Violence and human rights in Russia: how human rights defenders develop their tactics in the face of danger, 2005–2013

Abstract

Between 2005 and 2013, the Russian State Duma passed legislation restricting the activity of human rights defenders (HRDs). Although these measures complicate their work, this study contends that Russian HRDs creatively manage constraints. Through an interview study, this article contributes to the literature on human rights defence in dangerous circumstances by identifying the coping practices of two groups of HRDs: opposition youth activists in Moscow and human rights lawyers in the Northern Caucasus. Here, we argue that those activists at high risk often reinvent their tactics to counter curtailing legislation, experiment with the boundaries of police violence and manage the fear of fellow activists.

Silencing Human Rights Defenders Once and for All? Determinants of Human Rights Defenders’ Killings

“…Human rights defenders in particular have been under increased threat during this time (Forst 2018; Ramirez 2018, 20). Their work is inherently dangerous, and they are often unprotected by those in power (Lawlor and Anderson 2014; van der Vet & Lyytikainen 2015). And, as we will argue below, their work involves taking significant risks to challenge the powerful in environments where they expect norms, institutions, and actors to ensure their ability to do their work.…”

“…Ultimately, democratic systems provide more opportunities to advocate for rights, which leads to greater visibility of the rights defender, which in turn leads to greater risk (Suhr 2022; van der Vet & Lyytikainen 2015). Where it is easier for people to mobilize around and advocate for human rights it is also more likely that they would then experience severe abuses such as murder—a strategy of last resort to silence those with such sensitive information (Landman 2006, 131).…”

“…HRDs are also likely to take more risks in the course of their work because they are highly committed to human rights causes, even to the point of being willing to live with some measure of insecurity (McAdam 1986; Nah 2020, 13–14). They may also use risk strategically to call attention to their campaign, emphasize their own vulnerability to violence, or to highlight threats from those in power (Bennett et al 2015; IFPHRD 2011, 74–75; van der Vet & Lyytikainen 2015). Finally, defenders may take more risks if think they think they will be protected by the state, or if they have networks of support within civil society or internationally (Dooley 2012; McAdam 1986; van der Vet & Lyytikainen 2015).…”

“…They may also use risk strategically to call attention to their campaign, emphasize their own vulnerability to violence, or to highlight threats from those in power (Bennett et al 2015; IFPHRD 2011, 74–75; van der Vet & Lyytikainen 2015). Finally, defenders may take more risks if think they think they will be protected by the state, or if they have networks of support within civil society or internationally (Dooley 2012; McAdam 1986; van der Vet & Lyytikainen 2015).…”

Violence Exposure, Posttraumatic Stress, and Subjective Well-Being in a Sample of Russian Adults: A Facebook-Based Study

“…Most of the existing research on violence in Russia published in the international journals roughly falls into the two following categories. The first includes papers on political, ethnic violence, and human rights violations (Arnold, 2015; van der Vet & Lyytikäinen, 2015). The second describes victimization experiences in highly vulnerable populations such as migrant workers (Weine, Bahromov, Loue, & Owens, 2012), illicit drug users (Lunze, Lunze, Raj, & Samet, 2015), and commercial sex workers (Decker et al, 2014).…”