Abstract:The transition from state-socialism to capitalism has not been the only process reshaping the urban landscapes in Central and Eastern Europe but some cities were aff ected by war destructions, like in the Caucus region or in the former Yugoslavia. The case study of Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia and Herzegovina, is helpful to understand how the urban transformation is performed in postwar contexts, an arena neglected in the current literature on post-socialist cities. This paper aims at exploring the interpla… Show more
“…Sarajevo was subject to siege by the Bosnian Serb Army (BSA) between April 1992 and December 1995. During that time, the city suffered over 11,000 civilian casualties, and sustained damage or destruction to the majority of its buildings (Martín-Díaz, 2014). This “urbicide” not only targeted urban structures, but cosmopolitan urbanity itself (Coward, 2008).…”
Efforts to repair wounded social relations and rebuild political institutions typically target young people, who are viewed with a mix of hope and anxiety as the future leaders of the country. Efforts undertaken by civil society organizations, and funded by international donors, emphasize dialogue and tolerance through civic engagement. Dialogue, tolerance, and engagement aim at inclusive forms of peaceful community building and public togetherness, yet notions of what constitutes the political community are inherently contested. Moreover, tolerance efforts targeting youth often combine face-to-face forms of dialogue with the use of digital media aiming at broader public engagement, potentially introducing further anxiety over fraught forms of community and public-ness. This paper discusses a digital story/community mapping project conducted with two youth-led civil society organizations in Sarajevo/East Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina. Although the youth organizations share an ethical commitment to dialogue promotion, the dialogue produced through this creative collaboration was fraught with conflicting views of how to commemorate past violence and different definitions of what constitutes community.
“…Sarajevo was subject to siege by the Bosnian Serb Army (BSA) between April 1992 and December 1995. During that time, the city suffered over 11,000 civilian casualties, and sustained damage or destruction to the majority of its buildings (Martín-Díaz, 2014). This “urbicide” not only targeted urban structures, but cosmopolitan urbanity itself (Coward, 2008).…”
Efforts to repair wounded social relations and rebuild political institutions typically target young people, who are viewed with a mix of hope and anxiety as the future leaders of the country. Efforts undertaken by civil society organizations, and funded by international donors, emphasize dialogue and tolerance through civic engagement. Dialogue, tolerance, and engagement aim at inclusive forms of peaceful community building and public togetherness, yet notions of what constitutes the political community are inherently contested. Moreover, tolerance efforts targeting youth often combine face-to-face forms of dialogue with the use of digital media aiming at broader public engagement, potentially introducing further anxiety over fraught forms of community and public-ness. This paper discusses a digital story/community mapping project conducted with two youth-led civil society organizations in Sarajevo/East Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina. Although the youth organizations share an ethical commitment to dialogue promotion, the dialogue produced through this creative collaboration was fraught with conflicting views of how to commemorate past violence and different definitions of what constitutes community.
“…Since the war, no new urban masterplan has been made and consequently the existing planning documentation at the urban scale conforms to that made in -revised in 1990and 1998-(City of Sarajevo, 1986b. However, although this plan is still in force, new urban developments have introduced a number of morphological transformations in the inner city, mainly due to foreigner investors who have built new shopping malls and residential and office towers (Gül & Dee, 2015;Martín-Díaz, 2014). In fact, the urban plan of 1986 still classifies zones that are currently part of the RS (see Fig.…”
Section: Planning In the Sarajevo Of The Federation Of Bosnia And Hermentioning
At the end of the Bosnian War in December 1995, an internal boundary was drawn within the State of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It came to be known as the Inter-Entity Boundary Line (IEBL). Its implementation caused a profound alteration in regional and urban systems, dividing the new State into two entities, the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (FBiH) – Croat and Bosniak majority – and the Republika Srpska (RS) – Serb majority. In this paper, the consequences of this boundary on urban and regional development are analysed, focusing on the effects observed in Sarajevo. The emergence of the IEBL has transformed the city since its region has been divided into two halves analogously to the entities newly created. This division has not affected the main urban area, but has altered the eastern suburban zone due to the creation of East Sarajevo, a new city in the Republika Srpska. The new urban nucleus of East Sarajevo is being built adjacent to these eastern suburbs, causing spatial and social alterations on the border. This complex situation is analysed at different scales – from the scale of planning to that of ethnography – in order to evidence that although the IEBL neither divides the historic city nor is a physical frontier, contrasting processes of homogenisation do exist on each side which maintains a significant social and morphological differentiation.Peer ReviewedPostprint (author's final draft
“… Areas with slope gradients above 20° with the distribution of the new post‐war urban projects as well as the landslides shown in F igure (for further information about post‐war urban projects see M artín‐ D íaz (, 311–12)) …”
Section: Increasing the Geomorphological Risks Of The Built Environmentmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…This is the case of the Central Business District in the Marijin Dvor area and the Bulevard Meše Selimovića, where the development of new office buildings and commercial property, some of them illegally constructed, have played a central role in urban restructuring and the spatial reorganisation of Sarajevo (Martín‐Díaz ). This process of urban densification has been occurring primarily in the central and western neighbourhoods of Sarajevo, emerging during the socialist regime.…”
Section: Increasing the Geomorphological Risks Of The Built Environmentmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In Sarajevo, the major urban processes that occurred after the end of the Bosnian War (1992–1995) have favoured the expansion of urban and suburban sprawl (Dematteis ; Champion ). This process was a result of the demographic pressure that emerged in the years immediately following the war, as well as of the neoliberal urban policies driven by international actors (Martín‐Díaz ). The primary cause was the increasing demographic pressure driven by refugees and internally displaced persons, as outlined in the Dayton Peace Agreement.…”
Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia and Herzegovina, is located in a karst geomorphological environment. The topographical setting strongly influences the urban geographical distribution and urban development, as well as the sustainability policies implemented in the city. The incorporation of an environmental agenda and the focus on sustainable development have characterised urban planning in cities in Central and Eastern Europe that are transitioning from socialist to capitalist economic systems. Environmental policies in Sarajevo are defined within the Sarajevo Canton Development Strategy developed under the supervision of international experts at the end of the three-and-a-half years of siege in December 1995, and this is expected to last until 2015. This paper argues that, despite the consensus achieved for developing Sarajevo through strategies aligned with European regulations for sustainability, the built environment of the city has moved in an increasingly unsustainable direction as a result of the need to deal with vulnerable groups in the population and the international policies that tend to promote a neoliberal urban development. The first section of analysis focuses on Sarajevo's existing particular geomorphological constraints on the development of a secure and sustainable built environment. The second section examines the increase in the geomorphological risks of new construction developed after the conflict in relation to the post-war and post-socialist urban processes.
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