“…A demisexual person is someone who typically experiences sexual attraction only after developing a strong emotional bond (Decker, 2015). Greysexual describes someone whose experience of sexual attraction falls somewhere between allosexual and asexual (Copulsky & Hammack, 2023), and A‐fluid indicates a person's experience of asexuality is fluid (Decker, 2015; Przybylo, 2016). Of note, many asexual definitions and terminology have been contested in prior research and the asexual community, or are actively being reconstructed to better represent asexual experiences (Asexuality Visibility and Education Network, 2022; Catri, 2021; Coyote, 2015).…”
I use social exchange theory to contextualize relationship processes associated with relationship stability in asexualallosexual couples and to propose directions for future research. Social exchange theory suggests that asexualallosexual couples might experience varied relationship exchanges compared to other relationship types based on costs/benefits, equity, and available alternatives. These exchanges may also be influenced by differences in relationship commitment and power. I review literature on sexual desire, sexual frequency, willingness to engage in sexual behavior, asexual identity acceptance, and extradyadic behavior to examine how these relationship processes are associated with relationship maintenance for asexual-allosexual couples. Such relationship processes are not necessarily unique to asexual-allosexual couples, but partner expectations may be particularly different in asexual-allosexual couples, thus altering their relationship exchanges. Further research may provide a nuanced understanding of asexual-allosexual relationship maintenance, and recommendations for how to promote healthy interactions and relationship satisfaction in asexualallosexual couples.
“…A demisexual person is someone who typically experiences sexual attraction only after developing a strong emotional bond (Decker, 2015). Greysexual describes someone whose experience of sexual attraction falls somewhere between allosexual and asexual (Copulsky & Hammack, 2023), and A‐fluid indicates a person's experience of asexuality is fluid (Decker, 2015; Przybylo, 2016). Of note, many asexual definitions and terminology have been contested in prior research and the asexual community, or are actively being reconstructed to better represent asexual experiences (Asexuality Visibility and Education Network, 2022; Catri, 2021; Coyote, 2015).…”
I use social exchange theory to contextualize relationship processes associated with relationship stability in asexualallosexual couples and to propose directions for future research. Social exchange theory suggests that asexualallosexual couples might experience varied relationship exchanges compared to other relationship types based on costs/benefits, equity, and available alternatives. These exchanges may also be influenced by differences in relationship commitment and power. I review literature on sexual desire, sexual frequency, willingness to engage in sexual behavior, asexual identity acceptance, and extradyadic behavior to examine how these relationship processes are associated with relationship maintenance for asexual-allosexual couples. Such relationship processes are not necessarily unique to asexual-allosexual couples, but partner expectations may be particularly different in asexual-allosexual couples, thus altering their relationship exchanges. Further research may provide a nuanced understanding of asexual-allosexual relationship maintenance, and recommendations for how to promote healthy interactions and relationship satisfaction in asexualallosexual couples.
“…The meaning of asexuality varies, and its definition is not stable (Chasin, 2011; Mitchell & Hunnicutt, 2019; Scherrer, 2008). Although asexual identity challenges the notion that everyone desires sex (Chasin, 2015; Gupta, 2015; Przybylo, 2011, 2019; Winer et al., 2022), until recently, research on asexuality has been limited. Nonetheless, various studies have found asexual men are markedly outnumbered by both women and individuals who are neither men nor women (Bogaert, 2004, 2013; Brotto et al., 2010; Greaves et al., 2017; MacNeela & Murphy, 2015; Weis et al., 2021).…”
Section: Prior Researchmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In this study, we build on theories of compulsory heterosexuality (Rich, 1980), compulsory sexuality (Chasin, 2015;Gupta, 2015;Przybylo, 2011Przybylo, , 2019, and compulsory romance (Korobov & Thorne, 2009;Morris & Korobov, 2020;Wilkinson, 2012), conceptualizing each as core to heteronormativity (Rich, 1980). Gendered expectations around romantic partnership and marriage are racialized and positioned within a life course trajectory, where sexual and romantic union formation following emerging adulthood reflect white heterosexual American norms, but desires for sex and romance are often antagonized even within intimate relationships (Ward, 2020).…”
Section: Sexual/romantic Partnership As Compulsorymentioning
This study examines men as a minority in asexual (experiencing low/no sexual attraction) and aromantic (experiencing low/no romantic attraction) communities. First, we situate our research in existing literature on asexuality, compulsory sexuality/compulsory romance, and hegemonic masculinities. In our analysis, we use survey data from the 2020 Asexual Community Survey (n = 4974) and 2020 Aromantic Census (n = 3018) to provide evidence that asexual and aromantic men are demographic minorities within asexual and aromantic communities. Next, we turn to two interview samples with 39 individuals who identify as aromantic and 77 individuals who identify as asexual. We analyzed these interviews to explore how sexuality and romance contribute to the construction of hegemonic masculinities. Our interviews reveal several important themes that highlight how asexual and aromantic men navigate their masculinity and identity amid asexual and aromantic communities as majority‐woman spaces. We focus on three main themes: (1) masculinity as inherently sexual; (2) masculinity, heteronormativity, and the gendered construction of romance; and (3) asexual/aromantic identity, masculinity, and the split attraction model. Taken together, our results show how (hetero)sexuality and romantic relationship formation are fundamental to hegemonic masculinity. We find that asexual and aromantic men face cultural pressures and social stigma around initiating sex and performing romance. Asexual men must contend with managing a sexual identity that runs counter to men's supposedly innate sexual desire, thus situating them as inadequately masculine. Aromantic men, meanwhile, must manage inhabiting an identity that is conflated with the fuckboy/player trope, situating them as excessively masculine. This study demonstrates how centering asexual and aromantic perspectives reveals complexities in the ways hegemonic masculinity relies on participation in both sex and romance. We conclude by relating our findings to larger conversations on gender and sexualities as well as implications for future research on marginalized sexual identities.
“…To turn this around, queer lives shape what gets reproduced: in the very failure to reproduce the norms through how they inhabit them, queer lives produce differing effects. […] The gap between a script and a body […] may involve discomfort and, hence may “rework” the script (2014: 152).I locate asexuality within queer, that is, as anti-normative rather than anti-heteronormative, although there are debates around whether asexuality can be seen as queer (see Cerankowski and Milks, 2014; Colborne, 2018; Przybylo, 2019; Przybylo and Cooper, 2014). Ahmed’s conceptualization of emotion enables an exploration of how it feels for those who identify as asexual to experience the pull of/attachment to sexual- and hetero-normativity.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…4See Przybylo’s (2019) Asexual Erotics in which she explores how popular cultural representations of sex are entangled with whiteness, youth, normativity, able-bodiedness, coupling and heterosexuality.…”
Although theorizing and research about asexuality have increased in the past decade, there has been minimal attention given to the emotional impact that living in a hetero- and amato-normative cultural context has on those who identify as asexual. In this paper, I address this research gap through an exploration of the ‘work that emotions do’ (Sara Ahmed) in the everyday lives of asexuals. The study is based on 15 individual interviews with self-identified asexuals living in Aotearoa New Zealand. One participant in the study used the phrase, ‘the onslaught of the heteronormative’ to describe how he experienced living as an aromantic identified asexual in a hetero- and amato-normative society. In this paper I consider what it means and feels like to experience aspects of everyday life as an ‘onslaught’. In particular, I look at some participants’ talk about experiencing sadness, loss, anger and/or shame as responses to/effects of hetero- and amato-normativity. However, I suggest that these are not only ‘negative’ emotional responses but that they might also be productive in terms of rethinking and disrupting hetero- and amato-normativity.
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