Uneven Urbanscape

Ong, Paul M.; González, Silvia R.

doi:10.1017/9781316756225

Cited by 11 publications

(12 citation statements)

References 267 publications

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“…In many cases, this has a racial dimension. Bischoff (2008: 204), for example, demonstrates that in the U.S. “high levels of fragmentation are related to high levels of between-district racial segregation.” Ayscue and Orfield (2015: 5) similarly find “that states and metropolitan areas with more fragmented district structures are associated with higher levels of segregation.” In these areas, “segregation is fundamentally occurring among districts rather than within districts.” (Ayscue and Orfield, 2015: 5) Studying school districts in the Los Angeles metropolitan area, Ong and Gonzalez (2019: 160) confirm the finding, writing that “most of the segregation among schools is driven by segregation at the district level [as opposed to between schools within a district]...district level segregation accounts for four-fifths of total school segregation.” As a result, attempts by school districts to address segregation internally are largely ineffective. Conversely, attempts by school districts to collaborate by allowing a limited number of students to register outside their home districts have shown some promise in reducing racial segregation (Finnigan et al, 2015).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 93%

“…A district can specialize in elementary education, but most students are in unified districts, which also include middle and high schools...One of the districts’ most important powers is the authority to determine who can attend a school…[the district] draws enrollment boundaries for particular schools and has the right to limit and even prohibit inter-district transfers. (Ong and Gonzalez, 2019: 55)…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The injustices of school district fragmentation

Cynamon

Pavel

2022

Power and Education

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The authors argue that from the perspective of distributive justice, school district fragmentation—meaning both the existing reality of hyper-proliferated school districts and the practice of further breaking larger districts into smaller ones—produces three distinct injustices. First, it undermines racial solidarity and the bonds of community. Second, it violates the demands of procedural justice. And third, it leads to substantively unfair outcomes. Taken together, these concerns suggest that to create a more just educational system we ought to resist further fragmentation and push for larger, more consolidated school districts coupled with progressive redistributive funding. To support this central normative argument, the article provides two justifications for conceptualizing education as a fundamental entitlement and its provision as a form of mutual aid.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 93%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The injustices of school district fragmentation

Cynamon

Pavel

2022

Power and Education

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“…Beyond factors directly associated with health, structural factors further increase COVID-19 inequity 16 . Previous research has found that existing spatial inequality is reproduced over time, specifically that urban spatial structures produce and reproduce socioeconomic inequalities 17,18 . The racial discrepancies among COVID-19 outcomes in the U.S. have not only been attributed to COVID-19 comorbidities, but also to the social, economic, and physical factors that provide communities with the capacity to safely practice physical distancing in order to reduce COVID-19 community spread 19 .…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

COVID-19 Medical Vulnerability Indicators: A Local Data Model for Equity in Public Health Decision-Making

Ong¹,

Pech²,

Gutierrez³

et al. 2020

Preprint

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Objective: To develop indicators of vulnerability for coronavirus disease 2019 (covid-19) infection in Los Angeles County (LAC) by race and neighborhood characteristics. Design: Development of indicators that combines pre-existing medical vulnerabilities with social and built-environment data by zip code tabulation areas (ZTCAs). Setting: Neighborhoods in LAC categorized by race/ethnicity ranked into quintiles by relative vulnerability: Non-Hispanic white; Black; Latinx: Cambodians, Hmong and Laotians combined (CHL); and Other Asians. Data Sources: AskCHIS Neighborhood Edition, American Community Survey 2014-2018, and California Department of Parks and Recreation. Main Outcome Measures: 1) Pre-Existing Health Condition, 2) Barriers to Accessing Healthcare, 3) Built Environment Risk, and 4) CDC's Social Vulnerability. Results: Neighborhoods most vulnerable to covid-19 are characterized by significant clustering of racial minorities, low income households and unmet medical needs. An overwhelming 73% of Blacks reside in the neighborhoods with the two highest quintiles of pre-existing health conditions, followed by Latinx (70%) and CHL (60%), while 60% of whites reside in low or the lowest vulnerable neighborhoods. For the Barriers to Accessing Healthcare indicator, 40% of Latinx reside in the highest vulnerability places followed by Blacks, CHL and other Asians (29%, 22%, and 16% respectively), compared with only 7% of Whites reside in such neighborhoods. The Built Environment Indicator finds CHL (63%) followed by Latinx (55%) and Blacks (53%) reside in the neighborhoods designated as high or the highest vulnerability compared to 32% of Whites residing in these neighborhoods. The Social Vulnerability Indicator finds 42% of Blacks and Latinx and 38% of CHL residing in neighborhoods of high vulnerability compared with only 8% of Whites residing these neighborhoods. Conclusions: Vulnerability to covid-19 infections differs by neighborhood and racial/ethnic groups. Our vulnerability indicators when utilized in decision-making of re-openings or resource distribution such as testing, vaccine distribution, hotel rooms for quarantine and other covid-19-related resources can provide an equity driven data approach for the most vulnerable.

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“…Understanding how the geographic patterns of social determinants of health and social risk contribute to the medical vulnerability for COVID-19 is essential in helping public health and social service agencies, as well as other stakeholders, to develop and target interventions to the communities at greatest risk for the infectious transmission of COVID-19 [ 2 ]. This requires developing a comprehensive monitoring system that combines multiple sources of local spatial data to track precisely the temporal and geographic pattern of new cases and to uncover the factors and mechanisms behind the transmission [ 3 , 6 , 7 , 8 ]. We, as are many regions, are still short of meeting the goal of having a fully operational monitoring system for COVID-19 infection, testing and vaccine roll out, but there has been progress.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The racial discrepancies among COVID-19 outcomes in the U.S. have not only been attributed to COVID-19 comorbidities, but also to the social, economic, and physical factors that provide communities with the capacity to safely practice physical distancing in order to reduce COVID-19 community spread [ 16 , 29 , 30 , 31 , 32 , 33 , 34 ]. While much has been made of herd immunity [ 17 , 18 ] in the absence of a vaccine that can attempt to accomplish that status, far more important at this point is focusing on how to employ data to identify communities whose medical vulnerabilities occur in the context of social and environmental risks and make them highly likely to be exposed, become infected and potentially suffer significant and costly morbidity and mortality outcomes [ 6 , 24 ].…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

COVID-19 Medical Vulnerability Indicators: A Predictive, Local Data Model for Equity in Public Health Decision Making

Ong¹,

Pech²,

Gutierrez³

et al. 2021

IJERPH

Self Cite

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This article reports the outcome of a project to develop and assess a predictive model of vulnerability indicators for COVID-19 infection in Los Angeles County. Multiple data sources were used to construct four indicators for zip code tabulation areas: (1) pre-existing health condition, (2) barriers to accessing health care, (3) built environment risk, and (4) the CDC’s social vulnerability. The assessment of the indicators finds that the most vulnerable neighborhoods are characterized by significant clustering of racial minorities. An overwhelming 73% of Blacks reside in the neighborhoods with the two highest levels of pre-existing health conditions. For the barriers to accessing health care indicator, 40% of Latinx reside in the highest vulnerability places. The built environment indicator finds that selected Asian ethnic groups (63%), Latinx (55%), and Blacks (53%) reside in the neighborhoods designated as high or the highest vulnerability. The social vulnerability indicator finds 42% of Blacks and Latinx and 38% of selected Asian ethnic group residing in neighborhoods of high vulnerability. The vulnerability indicators can be adopted nationally to respond to COVID-19. The metrics can be utilized in data-driven decision making of re-openings or resource distribution such as testing, vaccine distribution and other pandemic-related resources to ensure equity for the most vulnerable.

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Uneven Urbanscape

Cited by 11 publications

References 267 publications

The injustices of school district fragmentation

The injustices of school district fragmentation

COVID-19 Medical Vulnerability Indicators: A Local Data Model for Equity in Public Health Decision-Making

COVID-19 Medical Vulnerability Indicators: A Predictive, Local Data Model for Equity in Public Health Decision Making

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