Despite a significant amount of literature debating the efficiency of high-risk pools in health insurance, dramatically less has been written about their normative implications. The present article takes the route less traveled by setting aside the question of efficiency to argue that the use of high-risk pools creates some serious normative concerns. The article explores these concerns by dividing them on two fronts. First, as regards the social-recognitional status of those who are forced into the high-risk pool. Second, as regards a general concern of distributive justice, namely fairness in access to resources. The author argues that regardless of the veracity of arguments which laud the efficiency of high-risk pools, their use in health insurance is unjust because of the herein explained implications for social recognition and distributive justice.
a boring meeting, and a corrupt union boss's son burning a hundred-dollar bill are evidence of a "rejection without vision" (147) that "blithely reject[s] neoliberal rationality" (137). However, as Anker notes, The Wire exemplifies the paradoxes and trap of neoliberalism, as the show is at once a critique that also reaffirms the centrality of a key neoliberal institution, the police. The police are the one institution centered throughout the show's five seasons, and in this respect the example of police "juking" their stats to preserve this institution may represent more of a passive affirmation of neoliberal rationality than a rejection of it. The issue here may be the very messiness of neoliberalism itself. It is ubiquitous and nebulous, even nihilistic, in which the so-called "winners" it ennobles are perfectly fine with the "losers" living in their filth and boredom. If true, there may then be a need for some sort of vision after all, not just rejection. Indeed, this is what makes the final chapter with which I started this review such an inspired, brilliant way to conclude Ugly Freedoms, with its focus on climate destruction and consumptive sovereignty. Anker turns to, among others, Indigenous feminist scholars for a vision of freedom nurtured in the shared and inevitably messy experiences among humans and with nonhumans and all life and land. This requires letting go of our attachment to the boundaries -personal, collective, between human and nonhuman, life and land-of modern liberal freedom. There is a vision here, one that reveals the fertile ground for community and solidarity, which may be filthy and even shitty, but these are things that we humans and nonhumans have in common, and Anker makes a persuasive case that this is a good place to start.
The authors argue that from the perspective of distributive justice, school district fragmentation—meaning both the existing reality of hyper-proliferated school districts and the practice of further breaking larger districts into smaller ones—produces three distinct injustices. First, it undermines racial solidarity and the bonds of community. Second, it violates the demands of procedural justice. And third, it leads to substantively unfair outcomes. Taken together, these concerns suggest that to create a more just educational system we ought to resist further fragmentation and push for larger, more consolidated school districts coupled with progressive redistributive funding. To support this central normative argument, the article provides two justifications for conceptualizing education as a fundamental entitlement and its provision as a form of mutual aid.
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