Une extrême droite en émergence? Les pages Facebook pour la charte des valeurs québécoises

Abstract

À l’automne 2013, le Parti Québécois dépose un projet de « Charte des valeurs québécoises » (projet de loi n°60) qui veut laïciser l’État provincial, en interdisant notamment le port de signes religieux par les employés de l’État. S’ensuivent des débats âpres et parfois haineux autour du statut de la religion et de l’islam en particulier dans la société provinciale. Le présent texte propose une analyse thématique de dix pages Facebook en faveur du projet de loi. Il tente de déterminer la nature politique des arguments que ces pages développent, et pose la question de l’émergence d’une extrême droite au Québec en recourant aux concepts d’extrême droite et de droite radicale présentement débattus dans la littérature européenne. Il conclut que les arguments et les thèmes développés dans ces pages les rattachent à une mouvance de « droite radicale ».In fall 2013, the Parti Québécois proposed the Quebec Charter of Values (Bill 60), which aimed to secularize the provincial government, namely by prohibiting the wearing of religious symbols by public employees. Once tabled, the bill was subject to fierce and sometimes nasty debates about the status of religion, and in particular Islam, in Quebec. This text offers a thematic analysis of ten Facebook pages in support of the bill. It attempts to determine the political nature of the arguments that these pages present and examines the question of the emergence of an extreme right in Quebec by drawing from discussions of the extreme right and radical right in the current European research literature. The text concludes that the arguments and themes developed on these Facebook pages are indicative of a movement of the “radical right.

Islamophobia in Canada: Measuring the Realities of Negative Attitudes Toward Muslims and Religious Discrimination

“…Additionally, Islam and Muslims are perceived and represented as a special threat to the religious neutrality and secularity of the public sphere and the State. This is especially the case in Quebec where debates on this issue have been prominent in academia, in the media, and in the political arena since 2006 with the reasonable accommodations crisis and then again with the 2013 proposed Charter of Values (Helly ; Mathelat ; Nadeau and Helly ) and 2017's Bill 62. Yet, this view of Islam as a threat to State neutrality can also be found elsewhere in Canada, with, for example, the Sharia law fears that flared in Ontario in 2004 and the 2015 federal election debate surrounding veiling and face covering during citizenship swearing‐in ceremonies.…”

Religion and Negotiation of the Boundary between Majority and Minority in Québec: Discourses of Young Muslims in Montréal CÉGEPs

“…The stigma felt, borne, or contested by several of these young people is therefore closely linked to the action of this myth. The latter, which is increasingly embodied in a secular "narrative" [28], would become for the members of the majority group, a symbolic and cognitive field of vision, "which also exerts an explanatory function, providing a certain number of keys to the understanding of the present, constituting a grid through which the disconcerting chaos of facts and events may appear to be ordered" [58] (p. 40). The vision of secularism proclaimed in the Charter was revealing for several young people interviewed in the eruption of this national myth of Quebecers who aim to exclude difference.…”

“…There was also a hardening of the media discourse regarding Islam and Muslims, a rise of far-right groups (e.g., "La Meute," a far-right group founded in 2015 in Québec by two former members of the Canadian Armed Forces. The organization had 16,000 members on its Facebook page in 2018), and a shift to the political right within society as a whole [28]. Among the common discursive categories used to defend more restrictive conceptions of secularism, we also note the recurrence of the arguments of "security," particularly in the context of "radicalization" and the threat to identity or to "acquired rights" [29].…”

Le religieux socialement acceptable à l’école en France, au Québec et en Suisse romande

“…Enfin, au Québec, le nationalisme à dominante civique dans l’imaginaire collectif s’ébrèche de plus en plus au profit de représentations ouvertement « ethniques » au sein des partis politiques traditionnels. De nouveaux discours ouvertement xénophobes ou à la limite de l’acceptabilité sociale (Barras, 2010; Bilge, 2013 ; Helly et Nadeau, 2016) affleurent aussi sur les plateformes de groupuscules identitaires (p. ex. La Meute, Pégida, Génération identitaire, etc.).…”