Undetected Delinquent Behavior

Gold, Martin

doi:10.1177/002242786600300103

Cited by 244 publications

(74 citation statements)

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“…We should note, however, that self-reports of the variables included in our research have been known to be highly saturated with true substantive variance. For example, self-reported delinquency correlates significantly with other reported delinquency (Gold, 1966) and with objective criteria of delinquency that are measured concurrently (e.g., Babinski, Hartsough, & Lambert, 2001) and even predictively (e.g., Jolliffe et al, 2003). Similarly, a significant convergent correlation between self-and peer reports of Honesty-Humility has been observed (Lee, Gizzarone, & Ashton, 2003).…”

Section: Limitations Of Our Researchmentioning

confidence: 98%

Predicting Workplace Delinquency and Integrity with the HEXACO and Five-Factor Models of Personality Structure

Lee¹,

Ashton²,

Vries³

2005

Human Performance

286

188

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Recent lexical studies of personality structure suggest that there are 6, not just 5, basic dimensions of human personality variation. The most distinguishing feature of this new 6-dimensional structure, known as the HEXACO model, is the addition of a new factor named Honesty-Humility. We demonstrate that this new dimension has important implications in personnel psychology. Specifically, the HEXACO model substantially outperformed the Five-factor model (FFM) in predicting workplace delinquency based on samples obtained in 3 different countries, namely, Australia, Canada, and the Netherlands. In addition, the HEXACO model substantially outperformed the FFM in predicting scores on an overt integrity test, due to the inclusion of the Honesty-Humility dimension.The Five-factor model (FFM) of personality structure has had a profound impact on the Industrial and Organizational (I/O) psychological literature.

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Section: Limitations Of Our Researchmentioning

confidence: 98%

Predicting Workplace Delinquency and Integrity with the HEXACO and Five-Factor Models of Personality Structure

Lee¹,

Ashton²,

Vries³

2005

Human Performance

286

188

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“…Ello incorporó como principal aportación reflejar un mayor número de delitos que los que indicaban las estadísticas oficiales, pero, además, permitió avanzar que los delitos no dependían de las clases sociales, ya que las clases medias y altas confesaban un número de infracciones igual o mayor que las bajas. Mientras que las estadísticas oficiales indicaban un ratio de delitos entre las clase trabajadora y la clase media de 5 a 1, las encuestas basadas en auto-informes lo hicieron de 1,5 a 1 (Gold, 1966). Las comprobaciones empíricas no se hicieron esperar, un auténtico aluvión dejó patente que o bien no existía relación, o bien esta era extremadamente baja (Portefield and Clifton, 1946;Short and Nye, 1958;Clark and Wenninger, 1962;Stinchcombre 1964;Akers, 1964;Dentler and Monroe, 1961;Voss.…”

Section: El Debate Empíricounclassified

Social stratification and delinquency. Forty years of sociological discrepancy

Frutos¹

2006

Rev. int. sociol.

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RESUMENLa sociología de la delincuencia encontró en la clase social un robusto e indiscutible apoyo sobre el que sustentarse para explicar los comportamientos desviados. Las bases teóricas fundamentales se cimentaron sobre un puñado de teorías que tuvieron su origen en los años cincuenta del pasado siglo y que se extendieron básicamente durante los treinta años siguientes. Pero esta claridad teórica no acabó de encontrar una apoyatura práctica. Cuando se empezaran a poner en tela de juicio los datos de las estadísticas oficiales procedentes de la policía y de los tribunales y en su lugar se echó mano de los auto-informes, los investigadores se dieron de bruces con una realidad insospechada: la extensa delincuencia de cuello blanco no registrada. Ello indujo a pensar que la relación entre clase social y delincuencia era en realidad un mito sostenido sobre los prejuicios de considerar a una clase social como más peligrosa, detenerla más, juzgarla más y condenarla más. Surgió entonces una prolongada controversia fundamentada sobre dos postulados inamovibles: "no importa cómo se mire la clase social, ya que no incide sobre la delincuencia" frente a "la clase social correlaciona negativamente con la delincuencia; según se baja en la escala aumentan los delitos". PALABRAS CLAVE ADICIONALESClase social, Estatus social, Tipos de delincuencia, Auto-informes, Oportunidades ilegítimas ABSTRACTSociologists studying delinquency for a long time considered social class to be a solid and undisputed cornerstone on which to base their studies of deviant behaviour. A series of theories originating from the 1950´s and which were widely accepted over the following thirty years, led to the establishment of this theoretical framework. However, despite its widespread acceptance on a theoretical level, this framework lacked support on an empirical one. When researchers began to question statistical data from the police and the courts and decided to use their own studies instead, they came headlong up against an unsuspected truth. A new reality emerged. Now it was necessary to question whether the relationship between social class and delinquency was in reality only a myth based on prejudices which consisted of considering one social class to be more dangerous, resulting in their being more likely to be arrested, brought to court and imprisoned. This gave rise to a prolonged debate based on two conflicting hypotheses: "It´s not important to study social class as it has no effect on delinquency" as opposed to "social class has a negative correlation with delinquency: the lower the social class, the greater the incidence of crimes.

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“…Pour terminer ces propos sur l'étiquetage des délinquants, il convient de rappeler que les études comparant la délinquance révélée et la délinquance officielle, dont Erikson et Empey (1965) et Gold (1966), notent que les adolescents arrêtés ne constituent qu'une minorité de la population délinquante réelle et qu'en milieu ouvrier ils ont plus de chances de l'être qu'en milieu aisé. Donc, à partir de cette étape est introduit un biais systématique dans le système de la justice juvénile grâce au facteur du milieu socio-économique.…”

Section: B) L'étiquetage Judiciaireunclassified

“…Par ce processus, il y a beaucoup de délinquants en milieu ouvrier et peu en milieu aisé. Ces résultats confirment les recherches de Chambliss et Nagasawa (1969), Cicourel (1968, Erikson et Empey (1965), Gold (1966) des critères utilisés par la société et ses agents de régulation sociale pour sélectionner les délinquants. En somme, la délinquance cachée est impressionnante dans tous les quartiers, mais l'adolescent de milieu ouvrier a plus de chances d'être étiqueté comme délinquant par le moyen d'un dossier à la police.…”

Section: Le Volume De La Délinquanceunclassified

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La réaction sociale à la délinquance juvénile

Leblanc¹

2006

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AbstractJUVENILE DELINQUENCY AND SOCIAL REACTIONThe object of this research is to define the process of social reaction to juvenile delinquency, as well as the criteria used by the agencies of social control in deciding what factors brand the adolescent a delinquent. Starting with self-reported delinquency, we follow its course within the system of social regulations practised by the public, the police and the courts.The data concern self-reported delinquency (measured by the questionnaire of Nye and Short on self-reported delinquency), delinquency officially known to the police, and the decisions taken by the police and judges with regard to delinquent acts. These data were gathered in five districts in Montreal, representing five social strata.The analysis of the stigma of delinquency showed that there is more chance of working-class subjects entering the juvenile justice system, above all where acquisitive and rebellious delinquency is concerned, especially in relation to the community, the family and sex. Among the middle and upper classes the stigma of delinquency is attached more to aggression and rebellion connected with automobiles and vandalism.As to the origins of social reaction ¦— the way in which an adolescent is admitted to the juvenile justice system .— the citizen reports offences against his person and property, while the police record offences against public order and morals.At the police level, the adolescent is returned to his home if it is a question of rebellion committed by a group between the ages of 12 and 15, whereas he is taken to court if his offence, reported by the citizen, is repeated and of a more serious nature. In the case of those taken to court, the adolescent is detained if he is a recidivist, and receives a summons if it is his first offence.The judges favor special measures in the case of rebelliousness, and no action at all (postponement sine die) in the case of aggression or theft by adolescents of the working class. A recidivist will be institutionalized for a serious infraction and treated within the community in the case of a less serious offence. Re-education in the community is given if the adolescent has been detained, and a fine if he has received a summons.The results clearly show that the characteristics of the delinquent acts are more important than the socioeconomic milieu in determining whatdecisions are taken. However, the socioeconomic milieu does influence admission into the juvenile justice system, as well as judicial reaction. Working-class subjects are given less attention than those from the middle and upper classes, postponement sine die is more often used in the working-class milieu, and fines, re-education within the community and institu-tionalization are more often applied to subjects of the middle and upper classes. Moreover, the margin of discretionary powers in decision making is, on the whole, rather narrow, which means that in the majority of cases, decisions can be explained by no other factors than the characteristics of the delinquent acts. This discretionary margin in decision making is narrow, both at the police and judicial levels, when a choice between particular measures must be made ; on the other hand, there is some leeway, since the judge must choose between postponement sine die and a particular measure. Finally, the course of the offence within the juvenile justice system reinforces the previous decisions through a process of amplification, which, as a consequence, penalizes working-class subjects to some extent.In short, delinquency is an adolescent phenomenon in general, but only a minority of infractions enter and continue to circulate within the juvenile justice system. The criteria for decision making are indeed socio-economic, but more often relate to the past history of the delinquent and the nature of his offence.

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Undetected Delinquent Behavior

Cited by 244 publications

References 0 publications

Predicting Workplace Delinquency and Integrity with the HEXACO and Five-Factor Models of Personality Structure

Predicting Workplace Delinquency and Integrity with the HEXACO and Five-Factor Models of Personality Structure

Social stratification and delinquency. Forty years of sociological discrepancy

La réaction sociale à la délinquance juvénile

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