Um poder evangélico no Estado brasileiro? mobilização eleitoral, atuação parlamentar e presença no governo Bolsonaro

Camurça, Marcelo Ayres

doi:10.33871/nupem.v12i25.713

Cited by 11 publications

(8 citation statements)

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“…Ainda assim, é possível afirmar que, simbolicamente, os evangélicos contribuíram, e contribuem decisivamente para a construção e a manutenção de seu mito , ou pelo menos para a adesão política ao conservadorismo que representa, como indicam os estudos de R. de Almeida (2019), Burity (2018Burity ( , 2020, Camurça (2019Camurça ( , 2020 e Souza Jr. e Souza (2020). Não obstante o apoio evangélico ser marcado por grande volatilidade, houve situações em que esse suporte não se manteve todo o tempo, sendo contrabalançado com a participação de outros agentes conservadores, como os conservadorismos católicos de diferentes matizes (D. Silva, 2018).…”

Section: Introdução: a Complexa Relação Entre Evangélicos E Bolsonarounclassified

Conservadorismo religioso na política brasileira: A discreta presença da teologia política calvinista na esfera pública

Bahia

Kitagawa

2022

RDC

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O texto aborda as conexões por afinidade eletiva entre o calvinismo e o conservadorismo moral, político e econômico em vigor no Brasil contemporâneo, que sustenta a construção de identidades e representações do bolsonarismo. O foco recai não sobre uma denominação evangélica, mas sobre a teologia política calvinista que defende a participação ativa do cristão evangélico na esfera pública professando sua fé sem necessariamente fazê-lo em linguagem religiosa. Assim, o trabalho mapeia e analisa redes de relacionamento com presença calvinista afim de compreender a difusão de ideias religiosas que apresentam afinidade eletiva com o conservadorismo bolsonarista. São destacadas quatro redes de relacionamento com presença calvinista: 1) entre religiões cristãs (IBDR); 2) entre juristas evangélicos (ANAJURE); 3) entre pensadores conservadores (Burke Instituto Conservador); e 4) entre denominações evangélicas (Coalizão pelo Evangelho).

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Section: Introdução: a Complexa Relação Entre Evangélicos E Bolsonarounclassified

Conservadorismo religioso na política brasileira: A discreta presença da teologia política calvinista na esfera pública

Bahia

Kitagawa

2022

RDC

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“…As a result of these clashes, religious actors were forced to activate mediatic and judicial devices, and the unfolding of this strategy signals political and identity gains for the evangelical churches. It is worth remembering that, in recent decades, the evangelicals in Latin America, in general, and in Brazil, in particular, have become relevant political actors, either in the electoral processes or in the sphere of power (Camurça 2020 ; Carranza 2020 ; De la Torre 2020 ; Guadalupe 2019 ; Guerreiro 2020 ; Sales and Mariano 2019 ; Semán 2019 ). The protagonism was strengthened not only by their political activism but also and above all by adopting a political identity as a religious minority (Burity 2020 ), which was reinforced in the pandemic, as will be seen.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Reactions to the Pandemic in Latin America and Brazil: Are Religions Essential Services?

Bandeira

Carranza

2020

Int J Lat Am Relig

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In Brazil, the Covid-19 pandemic is triggering tensions in health management that provoke, among others, a political crisis led by the federal government, characterized by negationist postures regarding the seriousness of the disease and lack of focus on public health policies. There is also an information crisis enabled by the political strategy of dissemination of disinformation that disqualifies scientific parameters and the role of the press. In this context, churches and Christian religious leaders who have risen to power in recent years play a fundamental role, which allows them to be analyzed from their performance as a public religion. By decreeing the closure of religious temples, as a preventive measure for the advance of the disease, evangelicalpentecostal churches insert into the public debate the defense of the essentiality of religious service as a fundamental dimension for society, conferring support and legitimacy to the action of the government. In this sense, this paper argues that the Brazilian scenario, when compared to other Latin American countries, is an outlier. Based on ethnographic research within online media and the religious media circuit, this paper maintains that, nationally, religion takes the lead in the political and information crisis. At the same time, this study affirms that, approaching other countries of the region, the churches reinvented mediatized religious practices, deriving from the social distancing and isolation, and offered new meanings and religious moralities around the health crisis.

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“…As mentioned before, conservative Christian values are at the core of Bolsonaro's political platform, and his government is constituted by a growing religious right. Hence, the Ministry of Women, Family, and Human Rights became an institutional space for the actions and consolidation of this group in neoconservative terms and through a populist logic(Almeida 2021).Since 2018, the evangelicals in Brazil are the group that has supported Bolsonaro's actions the most, and his election and continuity in office is enabled, although not exclusively, by this continuous support(Camurça 2020). Graph 1 shows how the evaluation of President Bolsonaro has changed over the first two years of his government: 13Graph 1 -Evaluation of President Bolsonaro (April 2019 to March 2021): Datafolha surveys Source: The authors, with data from Datafolha (2021).…”

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confidence: 99%

Human Rights Foreign Policy Under Bolsonaro: Pleasing The Conservative Constituency

Monte

Hernandez

2021

VID

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Why is it difficult for Brazilian civil society organizations to stop the shift of Brazil’s positions in international human rights arenas? Why does the human rights dimension of Brazilian foreign policy suffer from the changes brought by Bolsonaro’s government? Based on new rational choice institutionalism and of foreign policy analysis, this study analyzes Bolsonaro’s human rights foreign policy, with a special focus on gender issues. Our hypotheses are that (1) Bolsonaro’s illiberal government, based on conservative and anti-human-rights positions of his constituency, instrumentalizes foreign policy because it allows him space to be more ideological and less pragmatic; and (2) the international arena is nestedwithin the electoral arena (the most important one), and the main objective of international inflections in the human rights issues of the Bolsonaro government is to please and energize Bolsonaro’s most conservative electorate. From these two hypotheses, we argue these changes are linked with a reconfiguration of the responsiveness of Brazilian foreign policy to societal pressures, privileging evangelical conservative organizations at the expense of progressive human rights organizations.

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Um poder evangélico no Estado brasileiro? mobilização eleitoral, atuação parlamentar e presença no governo Bolsonaro

Cited by 11 publications

References 0 publications

Conservadorismo religioso na política brasileira: A discreta presença da teologia política calvinista na esfera pública

Conservadorismo religioso na política brasileira: A discreta presença da teologia política calvinista na esfera pública

Reactions to the Pandemic in Latin America and Brazil: Are Religions Essential Services?

Human Rights Foreign Policy Under Bolsonaro: Pleasing The Conservative Constituency

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