Trust, distrust, and the end of politics-as-we-knew-it: the mood of the nation prior to election 2017

Duncan, Grant

doi:10.1080/1177083x.2017.1355817

Cited by 5 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 6 publications

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“…Furthermore, in New Zealand, the right-wing populist NZF entered a coalition with the Labour Party in 2017 after years in opposition. NZF, characterized as populist and nationalist (Duncan 2018), attacks 'the usual suspects -"the elite," immigrants, "cultural Marxists"' as well as journalists (Moffitt 2017: 128). While the populist orientationthe principal selection criteria for this studyis hardly questioned by scholars (Donovan 2020;Duncan 2018;Moffitt 2017), some academics argue that NZF does not emphasize nativist standpoints to the same extent as its European counterparts (Barker and Vowles 2020;Donovan 2020).…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…NZF, characterized as populist and nationalist (Duncan 2018), attacks 'the usual suspects -"the elite," immigrants, "cultural Marxists"' as well as journalists (Moffitt 2017: 128). While the populist orientationthe principal selection criteria for this studyis hardly questioned by scholars (Donovan 2020;Duncan 2018;Moffitt 2017), some academics argue that NZF does not emphasize nativist standpoints to the same extent as its European counterparts (Barker and Vowles 2020;Donovan 2020). Like Italy, Spain and Austria, New Zealand is a parliamentary democracy with a multiparty system characterized by coalition governments.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Less Populist in Power? Online Communication of Populist Parties in Coalition Governments

Schwörer

2021

Gov. & oppos.

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Recently several populist parties have become part of coalition governments in multiparty democracies, specifically in Western Europe. Based on the inclusion-moderation thesis, academics assume that incumbent populist parties tone down their populist rhetoric as a result of the daily businesses of deliberation and compromises in coalitions. However, while the assumption of tamed populists in power is widespread, there is little empirical work dealing with the topic. Using a classical quantitative content analysis of 1,210 Facebook posts published by populist parties in Italy, Spain, Austria and New Zealand, this article examines whether opposition parties are more populist and nativist than those in coalition governments. The findings indicate that populists do not decrease the degree of anti-elite and people-centred messages when they are in power but rather change the type of elites they attack and the antagonist groups they juxtapose. We should therefore rethink the validity of the inclusion-moderation thesis for populist parties in coalition governments.

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Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Less Populist in Power? Online Communication of Populist Parties in Coalition Governments

Schwörer

2021

Gov. & oppos.

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“…Poor visibility may also be linked to weak political affiliations, which two participants associated with New Zealand's Mixed Member Proportional Representation (MMP) environment: 'The fact you can spread your favours around [means] I haven't felt quite soquite the need to nail my flag to the mast of one particular party' (European/ Pākehā female, 60s, UK and Germany) and 'it's sort of irrelevant who you vote for, because … the end of the day, they'll form a coalition for someone else and they'll compromise on the outcome of policies which benefits them but no one else wants' (European/Pākehā male, 40s, Australia). While Duncan (2018) notes that MMP has overall brought greater public satisfaction with democracy and is better than authoritarian leadership or disruptive populism, he also observes that mediocrity is one of its shortcomings.…”

Section: Political Reintegrationmentioning

confidence: 99%

New Zealanders returning from overseas: how their experiences of xenophobia could help us respond to superdiversity

Humpage

2019

Kōtuitui: New Zealand Journal of Social Sciences Online

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This article draws on qualitative interview data with 42 New Zealanders returning to New Zealand after living overseas, finding they feel more like a 'migrant' than someone coming 'home'. This is in part because New Zealand people and institutions demonstrate an intolerance to difference, theorised here as a form of xenophobia that inhibits the economic, social and political integration of participants. However, the same experiences and ideas that lead many New Zealanders to frame returnees as an 'out-group' can be regarded as a national resource. The article concludes that we should embracenot ignore or disparagereturnees' awareness of integration issues, transnational networks and cross-cultural experiences as we attempt to maintain social cohesion in an increasingly superdiverse world.

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“…Hence the 2017 Stuff/Massey survey focussed on themes of political distrust and immigration, among other concerns. It identified a considerable level of distrust in the political system, a desire for change and a strong current of opinion that could have fed a right-wing populist movement (Duncan, 2018b). There was a concern that this could be exploited for electoral purposes by the centrist-populist political party New Zealand First during the election campaign.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Mood of the Nation in 2020: The Stuff/Massey pre-election online survey

Duncan

Liu

Choi

2021

anzjsi

Self Cite

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Leading up to the 2017 New Zealand general election, Stuff.co.nz and Massey University collaborated in two online surveys of public opinion to test the mood of the nation and seek opinions about a range of relevant political and social issues. Given their success, two more surveys were conducted in 2020. This article summarises results from the 2020 data, and reflects on the methodological advantages, disadvantages and challenges of conducting people-driven online surveys that need to meet the differing needs of academic researchers, journalists and the public. While the surveys produced very large samples, they were not representative. Moreover, the choices of items were influenced by what happened to be newsworthy at the time. Naturally, Covid-19 was a significant theme during the 2020 surveys. The results reveal predictable left–right polarization of opinions, a minority support for conspiracy theories, some areas of wide agreement across the political spectrum, and some unexpected nuances of opinions within and across ethnic groups.

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Trust, distrust, and the end of politics-as-we-knew-it: the mood of the nation prior to election 2017

Cited by 5 publications

References 6 publications

Less Populist in Power? Online Communication of Populist Parties in Coalition Governments

Less Populist in Power? Online Communication of Populist Parties in Coalition Governments

New Zealanders returning from overseas: how their experiences of xenophobia could help us respond to superdiversity

The Mood of the Nation in 2020: The Stuff/Massey pre-election online survey

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