Trends in Residential Segregation: 1960-1970

Valey, Thomas L. Van; Roof, Wade Clark; Wilcox, Jerome E.

doi:10.1086/226392

Cited by 89 publications

(33 citation statements)

References 11 publications

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“…We have proposed here that at least some of this relationship may occur because crime actually increases the percentage of minorities in a neighborhood. This hypothesis was based on the voluminous segregation literature and the evidence of discriminatory behavior towards racial/ethnic minorities regarding access to some neighborhoods (Farley and Frey 1994;Denton 1987, 1993;Van Valey, Roof, and Wilcox 1977). Our use of a unique data set allowed us to focus on housing units within tracts to assess the extent to which there is disproportionate mobility in and out of tracts based on the race/ethnicity of residents.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Violent Crime, Mobility Decisions, and Neighborhood Racial/Ethnic Transition

Hipp

2011

Social Problems

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Violent Crime, Mobility Decisions, and Neighborhood Racial/Ethnic Transition

Hipp

2011

Social Problems

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“…For a long time, studies of minorities and minority segregation focused on the nation's central cities -it was there that the minority populations were concentrated. Until 1970, there was little suburbanization of the black population (Van Valey et al, 1977). The increase since 1970 is dramatic, and there are now large percentages of the black population outside the central cities of some metropolitan areas (Table 3).…”

Section: Black Suburbanizationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Residential segregation in American cities: a review and interpretation

Clark

1986

Popul Res Policy Rev

276

146

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Significant levels of separation between blacks and whites still exist in large American cities, and debate about the causes of that residential separation has been considerable. A balanced analysis of the factors that might explain residential segregation -economic status (affordability), social preferences, urban structure, and discrimination -suggests that no one factor can account for the patterns that have arisen in U.S. metropolitan areas. Empirical estimation of the impact of economic status suggests that 30-70 percent of racial separation is attributable to economic factors. However, economic factors do not act alone, but in association with preferences. Together with elements of the urban structure, these factors bear much of the explanatory weight for present residential patterns. Survey evidence from both national and local studies shows that black households prefer neighborhoods that are half black and half white, while whites prefer neighborhoods ranging from 0 to 30 percent black.The debate about causes seems most polarized over the role of discrimination. Although comments in the literature often focus on the past use of racially restrictive covenants by stateregulated agencies and discriminatory acts by realtors and financial institutions, the documented individual cases of discrimination do not appear to be part of a massive collusion to deny housing opportunities to minorities. A review of the evidence from social science investigations demonstrates that there are multiple causes of racial residential separation in U.S. metropolitan areas.

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“…1962, Tables 76 and78, 1972a, Table 198). Despite these changes in the economic position of blacks, racial residential segregation in the Detroit area hardly decreased (Van Valey, Roof, and Wilcox, 1977, Another explanation for residential segregation focuses upon the prejudices of whites. Over time, however, whites appear to have become much more willing to accept black neighbors.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“Chocolate city, vanilla suburbs:” Will the trend toward racially separate communities continue?

Farley

Schuman

Bianchi

et al. 1978

Social Science Research

393

230

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Almost a decade ago, the Kerner Commission warned that this country was moving toward two societies-one white and one black. Data on residential segregation indicate clear-cut boundaries for these two societies-large cities are becoming black but most suburban areas remain white. Detroit is a case in point and this led the 1976 Detroit Area Study to investigate the sources of racial residential segregation. Our approach was guided by three hypothesized causes of this segregation: (i) the economic status of blacks, (ii) the preference of blacks to be with their own kind, and (iii) the resistance of whites to residential integration. %d I d e eve ope several new measurement techniques and found that most evidence supported the third hypothesis. Blacks in the Detroit area can afford suburban housing and both blacks and whites are quite knowledgable about the housing market. Most black respondents expressed a preference for mixed neighborhoods and are willing to enter such areas. Whites, on the other hand, are reluctant to remain in neighborhoods where blacks are moving in and will not buy homes in already integrated areas. This last result has been overlooked by traditional measures of white attitudes toward residential integration but emerges clearly with the new measure.

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Trends in Residential Segregation: 1960-1970

Cited by 89 publications

References 11 publications

Violent Crime, Mobility Decisions, and Neighborhood Racial/Ethnic Transition

Violent Crime, Mobility Decisions, and Neighborhood Racial/Ethnic Transition

Residential segregation in American cities: a review and interpretation

“Chocolate city, vanilla suburbs:” Will the trend toward racially separate communities continue?

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