Transnistrian strategy in the context of Russian–Ukrainian relations: the rise and failure of ‘dual alignment’

Istomin, Igor; Bolgova, Irina

doi:10.1080/14683857.2016.1148412

Cited by 12 publications

(2 citation statements)

References 52 publications

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“…During the Smirnov presidency, Transnistria announced its intention to enhance cooperation with Ukraine, including possibly joining this state. Moreover, the Transnistrian de facto state even expressed the intention to conduct multi-vector foreign policy or closely cooperate with the EU and the US, instead of Russia (Kosienkowski 2012, 19 and 27;Istomin and Bolgova 2016). While due to the Russian-Ukrainian conflict Transnistria cannot court Ukraine any longer, the Transnistrian leadership can still exploit (trade) links with the EU, trying to influence Russia.…”

Section: Achieving Russia's Compliancementioning

confidence: 99%

The patron-client relationship between Russia and Transnistria

Kosienkowski¹

2019

De Facto States in Eurasia

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The chapter aims to analyze the patron-client relationship between Russia and Transnistria.More precisely, it investigates Russia's and Transnistria's rationale behind the establishment of their patron-client relations, the benefits derived by both parties from their relationship, and the efforts to legitimize their association. It then discusses the dynamics of the patron-client relationship between Russia and Transnistria. The chapter draws on previous theoretical and empirical research on relations between patrons and clients, covering both the Cold War and post-Cold War periods, as well as on secondary sources on Transnistria and statements made by the Russian and Transnistrian authorities.

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Section: Achieving Russia's Compliancementioning

confidence: 99%

The patron-client relationship between Russia and Transnistria

Kosienkowski¹

2019

De Facto States in Eurasia

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“…This distinction between regulated and unregulated trade is a critical one for the cases we examine, and beyond them. The so-called de-facto or unrecognized states that are one of the actors in these conflicts have frequently been associated with large-and small-scale smuggling as one of the principle economic lifelines of regimes that have otherwise few options of revenue generation, which has been documented for both the post-Soviet cases (e.g., Chamberlain-Creanga and Allin 2010;International Crisis Group 2006;Istomin and Bolgova 2016;Kolstø 2006) andelsewhere (e.g., Hafeez 2014;Mylonas and Ahram 2015;Rolandsen 2019). At the same time, efforts have been under way over the years to regulate these trade flows with a view to curb organized criminal activity and to engage with business elites as a potential peacebuilding constituency without threatening the economic survival of the entities in question (e.g., Axyonova et al 2018;Całus 2016b;Mirimanova 2006;Popescu and Litra 2012).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Trade as a confidence-building measure in protracted conflicts: the cases of Georgia and Moldova compared

Kemoklidze

Wolff

2019

Eurasian Geography and Economics

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Academic and policy literature on the post-Soviet region's protracted conflicts frequently assumes that trade is an effective confidence-building measure (CBM) and as such also has the potential to facilitate progress toward conflict settlement. We probe these assertions through a detailed empirical comparison of the effects that regulated and unregulated forms of trade have had in the cases of Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Transnistria. Relying on a wealth of primary and secondary sources, including 29 semi-structured interviews, as well as direct and participant observation, we find that, absent political will by authorities on the ground and their respective international partners, trade remains by-and-large unregulated and has limited and generally not sustainable confidence-building and stabilizing effects, as evidenced by the cases of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Where local and geopolitical conditions are more conducive, trade becomes more regulated and significantly contributes to confidence building and stabilization and has some positive spill-over effects into non-economic areas of confidence building, as is evident from Transnistria. This finding has potentially important implications for other cases in which governments and relevant regional and international actors are faced with difficult choices over whether and how to engage with unrecognized entities, such as in Ukraine. ARTICLE HISTORY

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The role of international brokers in frozen conflicts: the case of transnistria

Dembińska

Mérand

2018

Asia Eur J

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Transnistrian strategy in the context of Russian–Ukrainian relations: the rise and failure of ‘dual alignment’

Cited by 12 publications

References 52 publications

The patron-client relationship between Russia and Transnistria

The patron-client relationship between Russia and Transnistria

Trade as a confidence-building measure in protracted conflicts: the cases of Georgia and Moldova compared

The role of international brokers in frozen conflicts: the case of transnistria

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