Transnational Activist Networks and the Emergence of Labor Internationalism in the NAFTA Countries

Social movement coalitions: Formation, longevity, and success

“…Some find a combination of political threats and opportunities inspire coalition formation (Almeida, 2010;Juska & Edwards, 2005;Kay, 2005;Reese, Giedraitis, & Vega, 2006;Staggenborg, 1986;Stillerman, 2003;Zippel, 2004). Staggenborg (1986) finds that pro-choice organizations came not only to work in coalition when they faced threats to their goals, such as potential cuts to Medicaid funding of abortions, but also to take advantage of new opportunities, such as when states cut their anti-abortion laws.…”

“…Almeida (2010), in his study of coalitions in five Latin American countries, demonstrates threats associated with government austerity programs combined with opportunities for mobilization created by democratization to inspire the formation of new alliances. Scholars studying labor coalitions opposed to NAFTA argue international organizations and agreements create threats that bring groups together across national boundaries while also creating opportunities by providing an arena for the presentation of grievances (Kay, 2005;Stillerman, 2003). The European Union similarly provides an international body for whom advocacy groups can present their grievances while also generating grievances through its policy making (Ruzza, 2004;Tarrow, 2005;Zippel, 2004).…”

The Emergence of Industrial Relations in Regional Trade Blocks - A Comparative Analysis

“…The Mexican labour movement seems resistant to any regional-level solutions that could threaten its monopoly of labour representation (Gitterman 2003). However, attempts to regionally enforce core labour rights and improved health and safety standards have apparently intensified and led to the creation of transnational networks of labour unions and human rights organizations (Stillerman 2003).…”

Transnational Advocates and Labor Rights Enforcement in the North American Free Trade Agreement

“…In practice, organized labor has increasingly embraced a transnational approach as unions lose numbers, and therefore domestic political influence, as a result of economic integration (Kay 2005;Tilly 1995;Boswell and Stevis 1997;Hathaway 2002;Stillerman 2003;Seidman 2004;Anner 2002a;Murillo and Schrank 2005). One conclusion drawn from the empirical work on transnational labor activism is that workers have gained leverage relative to employers where transnational advocates are involved in labor rights conflicts; support for domestic workers from transnational advocates is one factor that has led to improved labor rights enforcement, especially in less-developed states (Frundt 1998;Kidder 2002;Anner 2002b;Armbruster-Sandoval 2003;Williams 1999Williams , 2003.…”

“…23 Filers are also concerned that the NAOs respond differently to the appeals of different types of groups in determining whether or not to review a case, including whether human rights groups or labor unions sponsor the petitions and even whether specific organizations are involved. However, group typologies overlap considerably with transnational forms of organization: human rights groups tend to form linkages with other NGOs in North America, and NAFTA itself was a catalyst for cross-border forms of union solidarity (Kay 2005;Hathaway 2002;Stillerman 2003;Babson 2002;Juárez Núñez 2002). Though there may be some effect here, this overlap precludes testing these relationships quantitatively with any certainty.…”