Transition to First Marriage in Reform-Era Urban China: The Persistent Effect of Education in a Period of Rapid Social Change

Tian, Felicia F.

doi:10.1007/s11113-013-9272-y

Cited by 36 publications

(27 citation statements)

References 84 publications

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“…It is because that in recent years, a nontrivial fraction of individuals in China are still in school before age 25, but only less than one percent are still enrolled after 25 (Treiman 2013). This pattern concurs with the findings based on individual-level event history analysis of transition into first marriage in urban China: the college-educated have lower odds of first marriage than their less-educated counterparts in their early 20s, but as they approach 30, only highly educated men, not highly educated women, start to close the gap with their less-educated counterparts (Tian 2013).…”

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 86%

The gender divide in urban China: Singlehood and assortative mating by age and education

Qian¹,

Qian²

2014

DemRes

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OBJECTIVEChinese media labels highly educated, urban women who are still single in their late 20s as "leftover ladies." We investigate whether indeed highly educated women are less likely to marry than their less-educated counterparts, and how assortative mating patterns by age and education play a role in singleness. METHODSWe use data from the urban samples of the Chinese General Social Surveys in the 2000s. In the analysis we calculate marriage rates to examine the likelihood of entry into marriage, and then apply log-linear models to investigate the assortative mating patterns by age and education. RESULTSWe find that as education increases, the likelihood of marriage increases among men but decreases among women, especially among those over age 30. The results from loglinear models reveal that more marriages involve better-educated, older men and lesseducated, younger women. CONCLUSIONSWe argue that persistent traditional gender roles, accompanied by the rapid rise in women"s education, contribute to low marriage rates among older, highly educated women.

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Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 86%

The gender divide in urban China: Singlehood and assortative mating by age and education

Qian¹,

Qian²

2014

DemRes

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“…In contemporary East Asian societies, including Korea, educated women delay marriage more than others (Park, Lee, and Jo 2013;Raymo 2003;Raymo and Iwasawa 2005;Tian 2013;Woo 2012;Yu and Xie 2015b). With economic independence, educated women are more likely to recognize and avoid the burdens of traditional gender roles and duties imposed on them as a wife, mother, and daughter-in-law.…”

Section: Marriage Postponement and Recuperationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Postponement and recuperation in cohort marriage: The experience of South Korea

Yoo¹

2016

DemRes

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“…First, although recent research has focused on determinants of marriage formation in China (Tian, 2013;Yeung & Hu, 2013;Yu & Xie, 2013), little attention has been paid to the geographic heterogeneity found across the country. We examine the overall marriage formation pattern in China and further differentiate it by region and discuss the relevance of variations in economic, social, and cultural contexts across China in shaping marriage formation behavior.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Heterogeneity in Contemporary Chinese Marriage

Yeung

2014

Journal of Family Issues

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Is universal and early marriage still true in China after decades of dramatic socioeconomic changes? Based on the 2005 Population Survey data, we find that by age 35 to 39 years, almost all women are married, and less than 5% of men remain single with the singulate mean age at marriage (SMAM) in the country at 25.7 and 23.5 for men and women, respectively. There are notable regional variations in marriage prevalence and timing across China, likely due to economic development, migration, and cultural norms particularly for ethnic minorities. Those who live in the East and in urban areas tend to enter marriage later. Universal and early marriage is particularly true for women with no education and least so for men with no education. College education delays marriage for both men and women, but most of them eventually marry. We discuss the implications of findings for highly educated women and poorly educated men.

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Transition to First Marriage in Reform-Era Urban China: The Persistent Effect of Education in a Period of Rapid Social Change

Cited by 36 publications

References 84 publications

The gender divide in urban China: Singlehood and assortative mating by age and education

The gender divide in urban China: Singlehood and assortative mating by age and education

Postponement and recuperation in cohort marriage: The experience of South Korea

Heterogeneity in Contemporary Chinese Marriage

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