Transition to Democracy or Hybrid Regime? The Dynamics and Outcomes of Democratization in Myanmar

Stokke, Kristian; Aung, Soe Myint

doi:10.1057/s41287-019-00247-x

Cited by 35 publications

(27 citation statements)

References 51 publications

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“…Apart from the position of state counsellor, Aung San Suu Kyi assumed four ministerial positions -foreign affairs (to be included in the NDSC), minister of the president's office, electricity and energy, and education. Aung (2019) argue that there is a convergence in the understanding of the democratic opening between the NLD and the Tatmadaw. 6.…”

Section: Institutional Weaknesses -Centralism and Poor Separation Of mentioning

confidence: 98%

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Taking Stock of Myanmar’s Political Transformation since 2011

Bünte

Köllner

Roewer

2019

Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs

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For the most time since independence in 1948, Myanmar had been ruled by a ruthless military junta which also controlled large swathes of the economy. In 2008, the military promulgated, as part of its so-called "roadmap to democracy" process, a new constitution which foresaw the holding of free and fair elections for the country's new bicameral parliament. Notably, the military retained a de facto veto over future constitutional changes by reserving a quarter of the seats in both houses of parliament for military appointees. The new constitution also stipulated that the ministries for defence, home, and border affairs needed to be headed by military appointees, thus enshrining prerogatives for the military and paving the way for a system of hybrid governance. 2011 marked the beginning of a process of political transformation, with Senior General Than Shwe stepping down as head of the armed forces and as head of state. His hand-picked successor in the latter office, Thein Sein, became the first democratically elected president of Myanmar. Thein Sein proved willing to work with Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the oppositional National League for Democracy (NLD) which successfully registered for national elections later in the year. In the parliamentary byelections of 2012, the NLD won forty-three of the available forty-five seats, with

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Section: Institutional Weaknesses -Centralism and Poor Separation Of mentioning

confidence: 98%

“…Although they have important roles to play in Myanmar's society, civil society actors cannot provide alternative channels for political representation. Myanmar consequently lacks substantive representation (Stokke and Aung, 2019). 3.…”

Section: Myanmar's Political Liberalisation Close Up: Why How and Wimentioning

confidence: 99%

Taking Stock of Myanmar’s Political Transformation since 2011

Bünte

Köllner

Roewer

2019

Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs

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“…The nature of the agreement may be decided in a formal, explicit pact, whereas in some countries no formal pact is signed. Imposed transitions, in contrast, are designed and implemented unilaterally by ruling autocratic elites with little or no negotiation with opposition elites (Stokke, 2019). The situation varies according to the power of the ruling elite, the economic success of the previous regime, the strength of the opposition, and some other factors.…”

Section: теоретические основы демократического перехода: механизмы деmentioning

confidence: 99%

Theoretical Framework of Democratic Transition: Mechanisms of Democratization

Harb¹

2020

STAG

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Democratic transition from authoritarian rule has been an important focus of scholarly interest since 1970s. The democratic transition literature presented many concepts, theoretical arguments, methodological and analytical approaches to tackle with this phenomenon. This huge academic accumulation came in conjunction with what was called the third wave of democratization which started in the mid-seventies beginning from southern Europe, and extended during the decades of the eighties and nineties to include many countries around the globe. Democratic transition can be defined as a political process of establishing or enlarging the possibility of democratic participation and liberalization. This process reflects the redistribution of power between the state and the civil society. It is accompanied by the appearance of different centers of power and the introduction of the political debate. The article concentrates on the mechanisms which lead to the consensus between political actors which perform this democratic transformation. Democratic transition thus always requires a mechanism of negotiations, political talks, facilitating compromises between authoritarian politicians and democratic opposition and engendering a minimum level of trust between these parties. The strategy of political compromise has a major impact on the stability of society during the democratic transition period. This article addresses the concept of democratic transition alongside with general theories of democratization and the emergence of democratic transition studies. It focuses on some aspects in explaining the democratic transition theory. The negotiations, political talks and their impact on democratic transitions are also explored by the author. The article specifies the ways and methods through which the democratic transition is taking place in the global world.

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“…Myanmar’s military-imposed transition raises critical questions about the form and substance of political representation, in other words, how representatives are authorised, provide representation, and are held accountable by those being represented (Stokke and Soe Myint Aung, 2019; Törnquist et al, 2009). In her classical study of representation, Pitkin (1967) distinguishes between four principal meanings of the concept: formalistic representation (authorisation of representatives), descriptive representation (correspondence between representatives and the represented), symbolic representation (symbolisation of the represented) and substantive representation (practices of representing) (Dovi, 2015).…”

Section: Conceptualising Representation and Ethnic Partiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Following five decades of direct military rule, the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) crafted a new constitution in 2008, held fraudulent elections in 2010, and transferred power to a nominally civilian government in 2011. This military-imposed transition produced a hybrid form of rule that includes competitive elections, parliamentary politics and civilian government but also constitutionally guaranteed positions of powers for the Myanmar Army (Bünte, 2017; Egreteau, 2016; Huang, 2016; Stokke and Soe Myint Aung, 2019). The 2008 Constitution introduced elected parliaments at the union and state/region levels, as a framework for general elections in 2010 and 2015, and by-elections in 2012, 2017, and 2018 (Tin Maung Maung Than, 2013).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Political Representation by Ethnic Parties? Electoral Performance and Party-Building Processes among Ethnic Parties in Myanmar

Stokke

2019

Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs

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What is the role of political representation by ethnic parties in a multi-ethnic state that has undergone a transition from military rule, and is seeking to resolve protracted intrastate conflicts? The present article examines this question through a contextual case study of ethnic parties in Myanmar – a state that is characterised by unresolved ethnic grievances and conflicts; a political transition that has created new opportunities for ethnic representation; and multiple ethnic parties making representative claims on behalf of ethnic groups. Based on a mixed methods approach, the article documents that ethnic parties have been relatively ineffective in ensuring formal and descriptive representation and have had limited possibilities for substantive representation of ethnic interests. The article also identifies key explanations for the weak electoral performance of ethnic parties, emphasising party fragmentation and vote-splitting as well as weak party institutionalisation and limited capacity to make representative claims. Finally, the article analyses strategies for party-building, in preparation for the 2020 election. Based on the common emphasis on vote-splitting, most ethnic states have seen initiatives to merge parties, while a few parties have also sought to develop their political platform and sector policies. The article concludes that ethnic parties may gain improved formal representation after the next election but questions about the parties’ capacity for substantive representation remains. The 2020 election will thus be a new test for how ethnic voters see themselves best represented, in the light of competing representative claims and past experiences: by ethnic parties or non-ethnic democracy parties?

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Transition to Democracy or Hybrid Regime? The Dynamics and Outcomes of Democratization in Myanmar

Cited by 35 publications

References 51 publications

Taking Stock of Myanmar’s Political Transformation since 2011

Taking Stock of Myanmar’s Political Transformation since 2011

Theoretical Framework of Democratic Transition: Mechanisms of Democratization

Political Representation by Ethnic Parties? Electoral Performance and Party-Building Processes among Ethnic Parties in Myanmar

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