To the right of the clause: Right dislocation vs. afterthought

Averintseva-Klisch, Maria

doi:10.1075/slcs.98.12ave

Cited by 54 publications

(6 citation statements)

References 10 publications

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“…The same has been suggested by de Vries (2007, 2009) and Ott and de Vries (2012a,b, 2014) for Dutch, Averintseva-Klisch (2006, 2008, 2009, 2010) for German and Chafe (1988) for English, among other languages.…”

supporting

confidence: 76%

“…The first thing that seems to be following out of recent work with respect to RDs is the rather uncontroversial claim that RDs involve two main different constructions: (a) backgrounded right dislocation (BRD) and (b) afterthoughts (ATs) (see Averintseva-Klisch 2006, 2008, 2010; de Vries 2007; Ott and de Vries 2012a, 2014, among others). All of these researchers distinguish between the two on both prosodic and syntactic grounds.…”

Section: Accounting For Greek Afterthoughtsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…There is also consensus that the two structures differ structurally. For example, Averintseva-Klisch (2006, 2008) offers a number of pieces of evidence pointing towards this direction. The first of these, which is also relevant for the needs of this paper, is that morphological agreement is strict in the case of BRDs but not in the case of ATs.…”

Section: Accounting For Greek Afterthoughtsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…However, this is again half the truth, given the examples of RDs exhibiting a corrective, AT-like interpretation. In the formal syntactic literature, even though there is frequent mention of the use of RDs as ATs, no explicit work on ATs has been put forth until very recently (Averintseva-Klisch 2006, 2008, 2009, 2010; de Vries 2007; Ott & de Vries 2012a, to appear, among others). In the case of Greek, a syntactic account of ATs is still pending.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In the case of Greek, a syntactic account of ATs is still pending. Building on earlier work by de Vries (2007), Ott and de Vries (2012a,b, 2014) and Averintseva-Klisch (2006, 2008, 2010), I will distinguish RDs into (a) backgrounded RDs (BRDs) on the one hand and (b) ATs on the other [7] . Even though the focus of this paper will be ATs in Greek, a number of issues regarding ATs on a more general perspective will be discussed.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Afterthoughts in Greek: Gender mismatches under a dynamic framework

Chatzikyriakidis

2016

J. Ling.

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This paper deals with the syntax of afterthoughts in Greek under a parsing-oriented perspective. The main claim is that afterthoughts can receive a straightforward explanation once we make the assumption that afterthoughts can be seen as answers to implicit questions. A formal syntactic account based on this assumption is put forth, and its ability to deal with gender mismatches exhibited in Greek afterthoughts is shown. Afterthoughts are further discussed in a more general perspective, arguing that once we turn into a dynamic model where context re-use and update are taken to be core components of syntax, a number of issues regarding afterthoughts like connectivity effects, locality constraints, freedom of positioning and reconstruction effects can receive a straightforward explanation.

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supporting

confidence: 76%

Section: Accounting For Greek Afterthoughtsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Accounting For Greek Afterthoughtsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Afterthoughts in Greek: Gender mismatches under a dynamic framework

Chatzikyriakidis

2016

J. Ling.

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Right Peripheral Fragments

Sánchez

2020

Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today

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Discontinuous noun phrases in Ngkolmpu

Carroll

2020

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It has been claimed that Ngkolmpu (Yam, Papuan) displays discontinuous noun phrases (Donohue 2011). However, careful textual analysis of a corpus of naturalistic language reveals that, in practice, this is highly restricted. The data shows two relatively rare constructions which give rise to limited discontinuous structures. The first is an afterthought construction involving a full co-referential nominal constituent adjacent to the clause. This co-referential constituent is both syntactically and phonetically distinct from the main utterance. The other involves a topic marking demonstrative encliticised to verbs at the right edge of the clause interacting with general information-structural conditions on word order. This is the only true discontinuity found in the corpus and is restricted to demonstratives only. This paper clarifies a claim in the literature about the empirical facts of a specific language, Ngkolmpu, and adds a nuanced discussion of nominal discontinuity in a language of New Guinea.

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To the right of the clause: Right dislocation vs. afterthought

Cited by 54 publications

References 10 publications

Afterthoughts in Greek: Gender mismatches under a dynamic framework

Afterthoughts in Greek: Gender mismatches under a dynamic framework

Right Peripheral Fragments

Discontinuous noun phrases in Ngkolmpu

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