“To Seek a Better Life:” The Implications of Migration from Mozambique to Tanganyika for Class Formation and Political Behavior

Alpers, Edward A.

doi:10.1080/00083968.1984.10804068

Cited by 12 publications

(2 citation statements)

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“…With the aim of escaping forced labour and cropping regimes, payment of the hut tax or other colonial arbitrariness, an important slice of the population 54 emigrated to neighbouring colonies or to areas where colonial administration was less forcefully implanted. 62 Following the sisal industry expansion in Tanganyika, 63 thousands of Mozambicans crossed the border to the neighbour territory, 64 beyond the control of the authorities, a movement facilitated by the ethnolinguistic proximity to people on the other side of the border.…”

Section: Collaborationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Domination, Collaboration and Conflict in Cabo Delgado's History of Extractivism

Feijó,

Orre

2024

Kronos.

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A long history of extractive industries and activities have shaped the societies of northern Mozambique, and the Cabo Delgado province in particular. For centuries, the growing international demand on local resources had a great impact on the northern micro-societies. The demand for cheap labour and natural resources, ranging from ivory and cotton, to timber, rubies, land, gas and more, involved thousands of local actors in its extraction, reproducing systems of local power. The persistence of poverty, inequality and conflicts, as well as simmering and sometimes grand-scale violence, fits into a long-term trend of extractivism. Through a historical approach and field observations, we focus on the political economy of extracting natural resources. We point out the persisting basic patterns of extractivism that accompanied Mozambique's integration into global markets, and continued or even deepened, in the post-independence period. These activities are oriented towards foreign markets. They are instigated by foreign investment, but invariably carried out in collaboration with a chain of national gatekeepers. In a clientelist system, local elites resort to their proximity to the state to reproduce their power, often at the expense of state expropriation. Weak state institutions have the functional effect of reproducing the elites, also serving the interests of extractivist capital. It is, however, a system with many and profound contradictions, producing conflict and violence, which also recurrently put those interests at risk.

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Section: Collaborationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Domination, Collaboration and Conflict in Cabo Delgado's History of Extractivism

Feijó,

Orre

2024

Kronos.

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“…cit. p. 96) que também serviu, por sua vez, de língua comum ao heterogêneo grupo de refugiados moçambicanos no Tanganyika(ALPERS, 1984;PANZER, 2013;TEMBE, 2013). II.…”

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Políticas de língua e movimentos nacionalistas

Bastos¹

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Different Mozambican political organizations in East Africa have merged together in 1962 under the leadership of Eduardo Mondlane to form the Frente de Libertação de Moçambique (FRELIMO) in Tanganyika, engaging two years later a liberation war against Portuguese colonialism. The problem this research assesses lies upon a historiographical commonplace regarding the early years of Mozambican liberation struggle: was there unanimity over the choice of the Portuguese language as FRELIMO"s official language? As Portuguese language was not shared among its founding members in Dar es Salaam nor amidst most Mozambican refugees politically mobilized in Tanganyika, we seek to historically assess how the choice was made to promote Portuguese as an element of sociopolitical integration and nationbuilding in the liberation movement. Therefore, three main analytical axes are devised to study the fields of historical interaction upon which language policies were formulated (FABIAN, 1986). The first is dedicated to formulate definitions of the "language question", a historically-conceived perception about problems originating from the establishment of hegemonic political entities (whether colonial or not) over a multilingual population. The second is intended to recompose, through the analysis of the Tanzanian historical context and the phenomenon of Portuguese assimilationist policies, the linguistic and colonial situation (TUMBO, 1976) that were present in the process in which the formation of Mozambican nationalisms occured, including an analysis of the multilingual mobilization deployed by FRELIMO"s base committees in Tanganyika"s countryside. The third axis condensates an assessment of educational projects put forward by FRELIMO to promote instruction in Portuguese language during the 1960s in the Mozambique Institute in Dar es Salaam, and the closure of this institution as a result of internal conflicts that shook the liberation movement, occasion when English-language medium of instruction was required. The objectives are articulated to comprehend how the different groups that composed FRELIMO participated in the historical process in which the choice for Portuguese language was made. The historiographical output sought by this research consists in the analysis of different linguistic situations as a necessary element to deeper and more plural understandings of historical phenomena that pertained to the decolonization of Africa. Lastly, this research seeks to affirm that denying or ignoring the linguistic diversity inherent to the contexts in which nationalist fronts were formed exposes historical analysis to the risk of producing interpretative simplifications.

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Uneven Development and the Region

Lal¹

2015

African Socialism in Postcolonial Tanzania

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“To Seek a Better Life:” The Implications of Migration from Mozambique to Tanganyika for Class Formation and Political Behavior

Cited by 12 publications

References 11 publications

Domination, Collaboration and Conflict in Cabo Delgado's History of Extractivism

Domination, Collaboration and Conflict in Cabo Delgado's History of Extractivism

Políticas de língua e movimentos nacionalistas

Uneven Development and the Region

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