Abstract:This article has two objectives. First, it aims to complement and extend existing research on post-socialist demographic change, which has thus far tended to focus on Central and Eastern Europe. It does this by describing the nature of postSoviet trends in nuptiality and fertility in Tajikistan, the republic with the highest rate of population growth during the Soviet period. It finds evidence for a decrease in period fertility after independence: initially, through a decline at higher orders; then, through a … Show more
“…However, fertility trends in countries which have experienced social upheaval or war have highlighted the importance of social and cultural context for the way in which family behaviours respond. Young and stable ages at marriage, as well as fluctuating or increasing fertility, have indeed been attributed to a return to traditional values (Clifford, Falkingham, and Hinde 2009;Dommaraju and Agadjanian 2008;Lerch 2013a). This is congruent with the decline in gender equality observed in many countries (UNDP and LSE 2007).…”
“…However, fertility trends in countries which have experienced social upheaval or war have highlighted the importance of social and cultural context for the way in which family behaviours respond. Young and stable ages at marriage, as well as fluctuating or increasing fertility, have indeed been attributed to a return to traditional values (Clifford, Falkingham, and Hinde 2009;Dommaraju and Agadjanian 2008;Lerch 2013a). This is congruent with the decline in gender equality observed in many countries (UNDP and LSE 2007).…”
“…Bulgur marriage leaves room for multiple "trajectories," allowing participants to be in several relationships at once (357 -58). However, in contrast to what Agadjanian and Makarova (2003) have found in Uzbekistan, Clifford, Falkingham, and Hinde (2010) established that fertility and nuptiality declined as a result of the collapse of the USSR, civil war in Tajikistan, and the food crisis of 1995. Before the recent conflict in the Karajygach neighborhood, ethnic Uzbeks in Osh had been following their traditional marriage customs.…”
This article examines the changing survival strategies of Uzbeks in the aftermath of mass violent conflict in Osh in June 2010. After the conflict, Osh Uzbeks were exposed to many difficulties. The Kyrgyz government used economic and political pressure to isolate minority groups from the titular nationality, and this opened the door to mistreatment of minorities in the form of the seizure of property, job losses, and even verbal and physical abuse. Despite this mistreatment, however, Uzbeks have proved reluctant to leave the Osh area. Uzbeks have a long history of living in the region of Osh; strong emotional and historical sentiments bind them to the region and its graveyards and sacred sites. Uzbeks have thus had to develop alternative ways to cope with the uncertainty and insecurity of their situation. They have adopted strategies which reinforce their vulnerability on the one hand, but provide security for their children during post-conflict reconstruction on the other. These strategies include avoidance of public spaces and public attention, marrying daughters early, and sending male family members to Russia as labor migrants. These strategies are geared to the underlying aims of protecting the honor of the community, maintaining social networks, and preserving Uzbek identity without attracting attention. Uzbeks describe this strategy of patience as sabyrdu.
“…Kazakhstan (Agadjanian et al 2008), Angola (Agadjanian and Prata 2002), Cambodia (Heuveline and Poch 2007), Eritrea (Woldemicael 2008), Ethiopia (Lindstrom and Berhanu 1999), the Occupied Palestinian Territories (Khawaja et al 2009), and Tajikistan (Clifford et al 2010). Interestingly, several of these studies also find a rebound of fertility once the crisis ends (see for instance Agadjanian and Prata 2002;Heuveline and Poch 2007;Lindstrom and Berhanu 1999)…”
Section: Literature On the Effects Of Conflict On Fertilitymentioning
This paper analyzes the effects of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda on fertility outcomes. We study the effects of violence on both the timing of the first birth after the genocide and the total number of post-genocide births. We analyze individual-level data from several Demographic and Health Surveys, using event history and count data models. The paper contributes to the literature on the demographic effects of violent conflict by testing two channels through which conflict influences subsequent fertility. First, the type of violence exposure as measured by child death as well as by the death of a woman's sibling. Second, the conflict-induced change in local demographic conditions as captured by the change in the commune-level sex ratio. Results indicate that the genocide has heterogeneous effects on fertility, depending on the type of violence experienced by the woman, her age cohort, parity, and the time horizon (5, 10, and 15 years after the genocide). There is strong evidence of a replacement effect. Having experienced the death of a child during the genocide reduces the time to the first birth after the genocide and increases the total number of births in the post-genocide period. Experiencing a sibling death during the genocide significantly lowers fertility in the long run. The effect is strongest if a woman loses a younger sister. Finally, the genocide-induced reduction in the sex ratio has a strong negative impact on fertility, both in terms of the timing of the first birth and the total number of births after the genocide.
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