In Hawaii Samoans are a stigmatized ethnic group. We examine how this group is treated by a public housing eviction board. Statistical analysis suggests Samoans are discriminated against in financial cases.Interviews indicate^however, that Samoans are disadvantaged largely because their excuses are unpersuasive and would be so regardless of the ethnicity of the tenants making them. In this sense Samoans are treated "like any other tenant," and illegal discrimination, as defined by the Fourteenth Amendment, has not occurred. But Samoans make unpersuasive excuses more often than other tenants because excuses that are reasonable in the context of Samoan culture do not seem reasonable to judges from a different culture. Thus cunong tenants behind in their rent, Samoans fare worse than do non-Samoans, much as they might fare if board members held anti-Samoan prejudices. We call this implication of cultural hegemony "cultural discrimination" and note the dilemmas it poses, not the least of which is that it makes problematic the very concept of discrimination. Judges responding to these excuses similarly consider -and indeed discuss -the validity of the excuses they hear. Thus, our example shows how cultural understandings, can limit even conscious cognitive efforts to behave in ways acceptable to a dominant culture and can lead to considered decisions that reject another's cultural motivations, even while recognizing and on occasion appreciating them.In examining how Samoans fare before the HHh's eviction board, we are observing an unfamiliar minority group before an unusual court.This situation in fact enhances our ability to identify and explore HHA's case was briefly presented, usually by questioning the housing project manager, and the tenant could respond however he or she wanted.Almost always the HHA's charges were admitted. In three-quarters of the cases, the charge was nonpayment of rent, and the fact of nonpayment was almost always indisputable; but even when some other lease violation was charged like fighting or keeping pets, the tenant usually admitted the violation and made excuses for it. Ordinarily, after the tenant presented explanations, promises, or excuses, board members, the HHA's prosecutor, and occasionally the project manager questioned the tenant.Throughout, the tone was informal, and there was considerable effort to Overtime, while the informality of the basic hearing remained more or less the same, other features of the eviction process and the board's decision-making process changed. Changes are described in detail in Lempert [1989]. For example, the HHA's prosecutors changed, with lawyers eventually taking over this role, and the board at one point was divided into two panels to allow more frequent meetings. The "Period"variable in the models we present is designed to capture significant Only some of the HHA's eviction files included information on ethnicity. Where this information was missing, we coded ethnicity into two categories, Seunoan or non-Samoan, based on first and last na...