The Unmaking of Self‐Determination: Twenty‐Five Years of Regional Autonomy in <scp>N</scp>icaragua

González, Miguel Ángel Rodilla

doi:10.1111/blar.12487

Cited by 13 publications

(7 citation statements)

References 8 publications

(8 reference statements)

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“…Importantly, however, focusing on the RACCN and RACCS in Nicaragua was a most difficult test of my theory of collusion. Both regions have had at least de jure autonomy since the signing of Law 28 in 1987, although scholars recognize this autonomy has been severely limited in practice (González, 2016). Nonetheless, the de jure autonomy, additional layer of regional governments, and historic opposition to the Sandinista National Liberation Front on the Coast (Herlihy, 2016(Herlihy, , 2017 all should make monopolistic relationships and collusion strategies less likely in this specific region of Nicaragua.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Collusion, Co-Optation, or Evasion: The Politics of Drug Trafficking Violence in Central America

Blume

2022

Comparative Political Studies

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Why do drug traffickers sometimes decide to use violence, but other times demonstrate restraint? Building on recent work on the politics of drug violence, this article explores how Central American drug trafficking organizations’ strategies impact their use of violence. I argue that three inter-related political factors—corruption, electoral competition, and the politicization of the security apparatus—collectively determine the type of relationship between traffickers and the state that will emerge. That relationship, in turn, determines the primary strategy used by traffickers in that country. Drawing on over two years of comparative ethnographic fieldwork in key transshipment points along the Caribbean coast of Central America, I show how co-optation strategies in Honduras have resulted in high levels of violence, evasion strategies in Costa Rica have produced moderate levels of violence, and collusion strategies in Nicaragua have generated the lowest levels of drug-related violence.

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Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Collusion, Co-Optation, or Evasion: The Politics of Drug Trafficking Violence in Central America

Blume

2022

Comparative Political Studies

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“…In part, state inaction can be explained by the demographics: about 56 percent of Nicaragua's territory is part of an Autonomous Region, yet these regions account for only 14 percent of the country's population (INIDE, 2005). Shortage of land and poverty in the rest of the country, combined with uneven population distribution between the regions, add to hostility against indigenous peoples, influencing political choices among the mestizo population (Madrid, 2012; González, 2016). ‘Who votes for the Sandinistas?…”

Section: Two Nicaraguasmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Who votes for the [Miskito‐based] YATAMA? The indigenous’, observed a director of an NGO, implying that the mestizo influx improves Sandinistas' electoral performance on the Coast (interview, Anonymous7, 2016; González, 2016: 313). This political landscape corresponds with general trends in Latin America where the political relevance of indigenous parties depends largely on their ability to appeal to other ethnic groups (Madrid, 2012: 163–165).…”

Section: Two Nicaraguasmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Their relationship, however, has remained tense, especially when in 2015 the FSLN impeached Brooklyn Rivera in the Regional Council on the grounds of supposed illegal land selling. The ousting polarised the Coast: many viewed it as retaliation for YATAMA abandoning the political alliance in 2014 in protest against FSLN's alleged electoral fraud; some took it as proof that indigenous leaders are corrupt (González, 2016: 313; Rivera, 2017). Admittedly, the impeachment allowed Rivera to project himself as a political scapegoat and in the 2016 general elections he even won a seat in the National Assembly:

[YATAMA] launched a regionalist agenda, grounded in the history, identity, rights and aspirations of our communities.…”

Section: The Language Of Rights and The Reality Of Vulnerabilitymentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Inter‐American Court of Human Rights and Indigenous Rights in Nicaragua: From Land to Empowerment?

Koper

2021

Bull Latin American Res

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Through fieldwork conducted among Mayangna and Miskito indigenous peoples in Nicaragua I examine the capacity of the judgments of the Inter‐American Court of Human Rights to build political agency. I observe that Miskito and Mayangna communities struggle to advance their agenda, as they remain entangled in inter‐ethnic resentments and a culture of corruption. I conclude that the language of rights promoted by the Court and embraced by the communities is insufficient to politicise the right to indigenous land effectively as long as that demand does not align with the interests of other political groups in Nicaragua.

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“…Around the turn of the century, a number of works attempted to capture the origins, dynamics and diversity of the Indigenous self-determination processes that were resulting from constitutional reforms, inspired in part by the multicultural paradigm (Assies, 2000;Sieder, 2002;Van Cott, 2005;Postero & Zamosc, 2005;Yashar, 2007;Bengoa, 2009;González et al, 2010;Rice, 2012). As reflected in the articles published in this volume, the range of Indigenous autonomies is now far more complex, diverse and, at the same time, contradictory (González, 2016;Esteva, 2015). In one group of countries such as Bolivia, Ecuador, Colombia, Nicaragua, Panama, Canada and, more recently, Mexico, autonomies have managed to achieve State recognition, establishing themselves as political-administrative systems of self-government at differing sub-national levels (González, 2015).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Indigenous Territorial Autonomy and Self-Government in the Diverse Americas

González¹,

Funaki²,

Mayor³

et al. 2023

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The academic work that I am honored to present is steeped in history, paradigms, realities, experiences, denunciations, questions and struggles, from the point of view of an outstanding group of professional specialists or activists committed to the defense, promotion and enforcement of the human rights of Indigenous peoples.The compendium of writings collected in Indigenous Territorial Autonomy and Self-Government in the Diverse Americas is one more milestone achieved in this process of recovery of rights.There are 22 authors, mostly women, and Indigenous women, who share the different experiences they have lived within the states of the region, in this rugged journey along the path towards the recovery of fundamental rights.The book is organized in three sections, based on chapters written by the different authors. The first part, entitled "Post-multicultural Constrictum," begins with a critical look at multiculturalism and Indigenous recognition policies. It addresses the advances, restrictions and setbacks that Indigenous autonomies have experienced in relation to the states. The second section, called "Possibilities: Recovering What Has Been Lost and Rebuilding," identifies and describes certain spaces of openness in the exercise of Indigenous autonomy and self-government. In this area, the importance of the agency of the Indigenous peoples themselves in defending their rights to political autonomy is highlighted.Finally, the third part, entitled "Autonomies as Emancipation: Own Paths," presents various instances in which Indigenous peoples, regardless of official recognition by the states, have advanced in the exercise of their autonomous rights, as an emancipatory process expressed in self-determination.Undoubtedly, this work constitutes an ample space for reflection that allows the reader to enter into the thinking and knowledge of the Abya Yala. A commendable effort that permeates not only the academy but the entire society and all democratic institutions and public policies aimed at making "the dignity of and for Indigenous peoples a custom."Our unique and diverse America has been the stage for a history of countless injustices, exclusions, dispossessions, inequalities, aggressions and even exterminations against Indigenous peoples, paradoxically the original Foreword x ones. From the conquest to our times of supposed democracy, the value of Indigenous culture, their cosmovision and ancestral knowledge has been undervalued; they have been dispossessed of their lands, territories and natural resources, for which today they maintain their struggle to recover their autonomy, self-government and self-determination. And they continue to suffer exclusion and marginalization in conditions of inequality and discrimination.International organizations in this quest for respect, promotion and protection of the human rights of Indigenous peoples have made significant progress, but we are still far from the legal and practical consolidation of their right to self-determination.An important normative movement has bee...

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The Unmaking of Self‐Determination: Twenty‐Five Years of Regional Autonomy in Nicaragua

Cited by 13 publications

References 8 publications

Collusion, Co-Optation, or Evasion: The Politics of Drug Trafficking Violence in Central America

Collusion, Co-Optation, or Evasion: The Politics of Drug Trafficking Violence in Central America

The Inter‐American Court of Human Rights and Indigenous Rights in Nicaragua: From Land to Empowerment?

Indigenous Territorial Autonomy and Self-Government in the Diverse Americas

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