Through fieldwork conducted among Mayangna and Miskito indigenous peoples in Nicaragua I examine the capacity of the judgments of the Inter‐American Court of Human Rights to build political agency. I observe that Miskito and Mayangna communities struggle to advance their agenda, as they remain entangled in inter‐ethnic resentments and a culture of corruption. I conclude that the language of rights promoted by the Court and embraced by the communities is insufficient to politicise the right to indigenous land effectively as long as that demand does not align with the interests of other political groups in Nicaragua.
This paper explores the role of the doctrine of the responsibility to protect (R2P) in shaping U.S. foreign policy in the post-Cold War period. Based on the in-depth study of declassified documents, public speeches, and other documents, this paper examines three case studies (Rwanda genocide, Iraq war, Libya conflict) as representative examples of the U.S.involvement in humanitarian crises abroad. The analysis reveals a consistently evolving narrative of a country fatalistically balancing the dilemma of responsibility. On the one side, having assumed the role of a global leader and norm-carrier, the United States is expected to act accordingly, and intervene in foreign humanitarian crises, safeguarding nations facing grave and continuous violations of human rights. On the other hand, every administration has been faced with the possibility of a backlash from either the public opinion, which does not prioritize humanitarian causes abroad, or the international community, which is not indifferent to violations of the principle of state sovereignty. As a result, the humanitarian narrative, albeit important, has been mainly applied as a secondary resource, and has not been the primary reason for interventions, as demonstrated with a number of inconsistencies in formulating foreign policies and employing the R2P rhetoric.
The authors invite innovative engagement with the notion and exercise of children’s agency through work situated within the context of the Children’s International Summer Villages camp and theoretically grounded in both childhood studies and critical legal pluralism. By exploring campers’ participation in activities infused with law-related issues, the paper suggests that children can be understood as creators of law and thus as significant legal agents.
This paper contributes to the debate on racialized and deracialized representations of the category of indigeneity in Mexican cinematography during the Golden Age (1935–1959) as a response to the post‑revolutionary nation‑building project. Based on the analysis of representative movies of that period, I argue that the cinematography reflected indigenista public policies, aimed at homogenizing the society by incorporating indigenous people to the society as Mexicans. Insofar as the state narrative displaced the notion of indigeneity towards the “past” – as a foundation of the national cultural heritage – movie industry romanticized and exoticized the indigenous, but at the same time, it portrayed indigenous characters as submissive and even obsolete, thus perpetrating the colonial archetype of oppression. Images situated in the present, however, rejected any ethnic differentiation, and instead replaced it with a class‑based model of social interactions, but in reality the “raceless” ideal of national identity would continue to ascribe indigeneity to lower social strata.
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