The State of the Women's Movement in Eritrea

Hale, Sondra

doi:10.1353/nas.2006.0006

Cited by 6 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 3 publications

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“…Though Eritrea was split evenly between conservative Muslim and Christian communities, Selassie notes that even at the outset of the war, “the entire society practice[d] traditional values that suppress women” (1992, 67). Universally, women had no voice at home or in public (Hale 2001, 155) and tended to be uneducated and were generally excluded from political engagement. Further, restrictions on women's ownership of land or property left them with no independent productive capacity (Leisure 1999; Silkin 1983).…”

Section: Illustrative Case: Eritrea (1961–1991)mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…It is estimated that up to 40% of the EPLF's membership and 30–35% of those occupying combat roles were women (Mason 2007; Pateman 1990). Women were appointed to serve on the group's central committee (Burgess 1989), and were often trained as mechanics, electricians, engineers, and barefoot doctors, areas generally considered men's domains (Hale 2001; NUEW 1980; Silkin 1983). 37…”

Section: Illustrative Case: Eritrea (1961–1991)mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…While women joined to assist the EPLF in liberating their country, they also did so to escape rape and sexual torture at the hands of Ethiopian troops (Cowan 1983), repressive arranged marriages, and other terrifying circumstances (Bernal 2000; Wilson 1991). Like the women attracted to the ELF, women that joined the EPLF viewed their participation as a way to liberate themselves from society's oppressive strictures (Bernal 2001; Hale 2001), These women believed in the group slogan “Equality through Equal Participation” and the group's goal of elevating women's place in society (Bernal 2000, 71; Zerai 1994, WS-66). Notably, “Farewell kitchen, I have broken your shackles” became a popular maxim among EPLF's female participants (Bernal 2000, 70).…”

Section: Illustrative Case: Eritrea (1961–1991)mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Women's Participation in Violent Political Organizations

Thomas

Bond

2015

Am Polit Sci Rev

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While women have participated in a variety of militarized movements across time and space, the determinants of their participation have not been examined systematically. In this article, we seek to explain variation in women's involvement across different violent political organizations. Our research highlights the role that organizational attributes play in influencing women's presence in violent groups. We evaluate our hypotheses using an original dataset on women's participation in and characteristics of 166 violent political organizations across 19 African countries from 1950 to 2011. Our empirical results show strong support for our argument that organization-based opportunities for women's participation explain whether female members are present in a group.

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Section: Illustrative Case: Eritrea (1961–1991)mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Illustrative Case: Eritrea (1961–1991)mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Illustrative Case: Eritrea (1961–1991)mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Women's Participation in Violent Political Organizations

Thomas

Bond

2015

Am Polit Sci Rev

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“…Indeed, where insurgents mobilise submerged ethnic, national or religious identities, even in support of wider goals of national liberation or social justice, they often create new forms of exclusion and violence, as for instance studies of the Taliban have shown (Fleischner 2011; Rangelov and Theros 2012). Moreover, a well-recognised feature of successful armed struggles is the betrayal of the hopes of many of those who supported them: the 2006 violence in East Timor (Nixon 2012) and the well-documented peacetime reversals of gains made by women in armed insurrections are cases in point (Coulter 2006;Hale 2008).…”

Section: Webs Of (In)security: a Multi-level Approachmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Two Faces of Security in Hybrid Political Orders: A Framework for Analysis and Research

Luckham

Kirk

2013

Stability: International Journal of Security &Amp; Development

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This paper reframes the security and development debate through fresh theoretical lenses, which view security as highly contested both in the realm of politics and in the realm of ideas. For some analysts security concerns political power, including the use of organised force to establish and maintain social orders and to protect them from external and internal threats. For others it is about how individuals and communities are protected (or protect themselves) from violence, abuse of power and other existential risks. We integrate both approaches whilst placing our focus on the deep tensions between them. Combining them is especially apposite in the hybrid political orders of conflict-torn regions in the developing world – where the state and its monopoly of violence are contested and diverse state and non-state security actors coexist, collaborate or compete. We ask what security in these hybrid contexts looks like from below, that is from the perspective of “end users”, be these citizens of states, members of local communities or those who are marginalised and insecure. What are their own vernacular understandings of security, and how do these understandings link to wider conceptions of citizen and of human security? Even when security and insecurity are experienced and decided locally, they are at the same time determined nationally and globally. It is at the interfaces between local agency, state power and global order that the most politically salient and analytically challenging issues tend to arise. To analyse these interfaces we focus on three interconnecting political spaces, each characterised by their own forms of hybridity, in which security is negotiated with end-users: (i) “unsecured borderlands” where state authority is suspended or violently challenged by alternative claimants to power or providers of security, including non-state armed groups; (ii) “contested Leviathans”, that is state security structures whose authority and capacity to deliver security are weak, disputed or compromised by special interests; and (iii) “securitised policy spaces” in which international actors collaborate to ensure peace and fulfil their responsibility to protect vulnerable end-users in unsecured regions. In making these distinctions we argue that similar analytical lenses can be turned upon international actors in securitised policy spaces as well as upon state and non-state security actors. The concluding section argues that such a reframing of the security and development debate demands not just new modes of analysis but also fresh approaches to research designed both to provide insights into the vernacular understandings, coping strategies and potential agency of end-users and to uncover the informal networks, alliances and covert strategies of the multiple actors determining their security in hybrid political orders. This paper builds upon a systematic literature search undertaken by the Justice and Security Research Programme (JSRP) at the London School of Economics (LSE) funded by the UK’s Department for In...

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Women in Eritrea and Ethiopia Between Armed Conflict and Peace

Venturini

2021

The 1998–2000 Eritrea-Ethiopia War and Its Aftermath in International Legal Perspective

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The State of the Women's Movement in Eritrea

Cited by 6 publications

References 3 publications

Women's Participation in Violent Political Organizations

Women's Participation in Violent Political Organizations

The Two Faces of Security in Hybrid Political Orders: A Framework for Analysis and Research

Women in Eritrea and Ethiopia Between Armed Conflict and Peace

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