“…In the waning years of the Soviet Union, Soviet scientists increasingly participated in international scientific endeavours and environmental regimes, creating new competencies in Soviet and Russian science (Kotov & Nikitina 1998). At the same time, science suffered during the post-Soviet transition as a result of a decline in federal funds for science by 75% between 1991 and 1994; and it continued to be funded at that lower level in subsequent years (Gerber & Yarsike Ball 2002). Despite the funding crunch, however, the development of new scientific competencies and greater international experience may have put Russian scientists in a better position to influence decision makers facing complex transnational problems-a possibility that has yet to be explored in the Russian context.…”
Section: Framers: When and How Do Experts Intervene?mentioning
This article analyses the politics of Russian climate change by pinpointing how global warming has been framed over a seven year period in a government-owned, leading daily newspaper, Rossiiskaya Gazeta, and how climate experts have intervened in such framings. Russia's climate politics is first summarised and then three framings of climate change are identified and examined. Secondly, the role that expert voices play in the framing of climate change is discussed. The article concludes with a presentation of key findings about scientists' involvement in public debate and hypotheses about the overall trajectory of Russian climate politics.
“…In the waning years of the Soviet Union, Soviet scientists increasingly participated in international scientific endeavours and environmental regimes, creating new competencies in Soviet and Russian science (Kotov & Nikitina 1998). At the same time, science suffered during the post-Soviet transition as a result of a decline in federal funds for science by 75% between 1991 and 1994; and it continued to be funded at that lower level in subsequent years (Gerber & Yarsike Ball 2002). Despite the funding crunch, however, the development of new scientific competencies and greater international experience may have put Russian scientists in a better position to influence decision makers facing complex transnational problems-a possibility that has yet to be explored in the Russian context.…”
Section: Framers: When and How Do Experts Intervene?mentioning
This article analyses the politics of Russian climate change by pinpointing how global warming has been framed over a seven year period in a government-owned, leading daily newspaper, Rossiiskaya Gazeta, and how climate experts have intervened in such framings. Russia's climate politics is first summarised and then three framings of climate change are identified and examined. Secondly, the role that expert voices play in the framing of climate change is discussed. The article concludes with a presentation of key findings about scientists' involvement in public debate and hypotheses about the overall trajectory of Russian climate politics.
“…In the fi nal years of the Soviet Union Soviet scientists participated to a greater extent in international scientifi c endeavours and environmental regimes, thereby gaining insight into how such international efforts function (Kotov and Nikitina, 1998). In the immediate post-Soviet years Russian science overall suffered a blow, with state funding for science declining by 75% between 1991 and 1994 and hovering at this much lowered level into the early 2000s (Gerber and Yarsike Ball, 2002;Graham and Dezhina, 2008).…”
Section: Science In Russian Politics and In The Climate-change Debatementioning
After Russia's ratification of the Kyoto Protocol in 2004 the domestic debate over climate science cooled and the official discourse on the causes of climate change came somewhat closer to international consensus. This paper seeks to examine how these changes in Russian policy makers' publicly communicated understandings of climate science have been brought about by analyzing the reception of international scientific assessments of climate change in Russian domestic debate. The paper takes as its analytical point of departure the literature on epistemic communities, which suggests that scientists involved in assessment processes may act as agents of diffusion of international expert consensus in their ‘home’ states. The analytical heart of the paper is a case-study analysis based on interviews with Russian scientists who have participated in international climate assessment exercises. Findings indicate that Russian participants in the International Panel on Climate Change and the Arctic Climate Impact Assessment did not play a role as ‘informational entrepreneurs’ in deliberative processes leading to key decision-making moments, although they fulfilled other important functions at the national level. The paper concludes by arguing that stronger Russian adherence to international expert consensus was part of a ‘package deal’ of already well-established international-level political and ideational positions that Russia adopted after deciding to sign the Kyoto Protocol. Consequently, conceptualizations of expert knowledge diffusion need to account for a temporal dimension, as the mechanisms of diffusion and the nature of reception of international expert knowledge may vary according to whether the country in question has been at the vanguard of a policy issue (‘policy leader’) or somewhat more of a laggard (‘policy follower’).
“…It is illustrated by ‘the 1958 concept of “coming together” ( sblizhenie ) or even “merging” ( sliianie ) of nations within the USSR’, which ‘seemed to have gained favour within the Soviet rhetoric [through] the period of mature or developed socialism [Brezhnev era] and the interregnum period of Konstantin Chernenko's rule’ (Cibulka 2000:321). Particularly, the lives and work of Soviet academics as a national slice were acknowledged as ‘friendship’‐framed in the literature (Horowitz 1989; Shlapentokh 1989; Shlapentokh 1990; see also Bain, Zakharov, and Nosova 1998; Bush 2004; Dailey and Cardozier 2002; Freemantle 1997; Gerber and Yarsike‐Ball 2001; Gorbunova and Zabaev 2002; Graham 1998; Sher 2000; Smolentseva 2003; Soyfer 2001; Zuyev 1998).…”
Section: ‘Platoon’: Myth and Friendshipmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The Soviet academic diaspora is ‘wearing out’ because it is deprived of new cohorts, which resonates with the overall deterioration of Russian science after the Soviet collapse (Bain, Zakharov, and Nosova 1998; Dailey and Cardozier 2002; Freemantle 1997; Gerber and Yarsike‐Ball 2001; Gorbunova and Zabaev 2002; Graham 1998; Sher 2000; Smolentseva 2003; Soyfer 2001; Zuyev 1998).…”
Section: Diasporic Space As a Problem Zone: Fitting Into Another Platoonmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 was followed by severe deterioration of higher education, inappropriate conditions for academic work, and a consequent ‘brain drain’ of Russian academics (Bain, Zakharov, and Nosova 1998; Bush 2004; Dailey and Cardozier 2002; Freemantle 1997; Gerber and Yarsike‐Ball 2001; Gorbunova and Zabaev 2002; Graham 1998; Sher 2000; Smolentseva 2003; Soyfer 2001; Zuyev 1998). Thus in the early and mid 1990s, approximately 100,000 Russian academics (mostly from the academic centre) emigrated and became successful in the West, having cost Russia around US$4,000,000 to educate (Isaakyan 2006; Ismail‐Zadeh 2004; Letokhov 2004).…”
This article responds to Brubaker's (2005) concerns about the '''diaspora'' diaspora' effect on sociology of national identity and migration, and the related thought by Kaplan (2007
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