The Social Consequences of Brexit for the UK and Europe: Euroscepticism, Populism, Nationalism, and Societal Division

Abstract

This article examines the 2016 Referendum on the United Kingdom's membership of the European Union and draws on initial research into the reasons that the UK voted to leave and demographics of the leave vote. This initial analysis suggests that the Brexit (British Exit) vote reveals wider and deeper societal tensions along the lines of age, class, income, and education (Goodwin and Heath 2016). By providing an account of the background and events of the referendum, this article asserts that the vote was a case study in populist right-wing Eurosceptic discourse (Leconte 2010; Taggart 2004), but it also reveals strong elements of English nationalism (including British exceptionalism and social conservatism) in parts of British society (Henderson et al. 2016;Wellings 2010). Given this, the article begins to make sense of Brexit from a social quality perspective and outlines a possible social quality approach to the UK and Europe post-Brexit.

The use of the political categories of Brexiter and Remainer in online comments about the EU referendum

“…They are also described as being unable to “accept reason,” which suggests that reasonable arguments are being made, but Brexiters simply cannot accept them. This post, therefore, fits within the broader discourses found in our dataset of Brexiters being unintelligent, ignorant, and gullible (see also Corbett, ).…”

“…In summary, the predicates of the categories Brexiter and Remainer are often made explicit, whether through self‐defining or through implicitly defining the in‐group through the definition of the out‐group. Based on the general discourses used, we can see that the predicates for the out‐group tend to be defined in negative terms on both sides, which may have social consequences in terms of entrenching social divisions in society (Corbett, ) These are emerging categories, with the potential inferences which could be associated with those categories yet to be established, and so posters define them. However, as similar predicates are used for both Brexiters and Remainers (e.g., liars, unintelligent) it can be seen that the precise nature of these categories is contested.…”

“…As the £350 million claim was so prominently contested (Corbett, ), we chose to focus on news items which related to this claim. Data collection took place in October 2016.…”

Researching dance education post-2016: the global implications of Brexit and Trump on dance education

“…Switzer & Hannan 2017), the ideals of cultural exclusion and national isolation were nevertheless central to the Brexit campaign argument (Woolfson 2016). The personal rationales for each individual voter may never be known, yet it is clear that both elections were buoyed by the growth of protectionist nationalism in diverse parts of the world (Corbett 2016;Green et al 2016). How does this political wave affect meanings of inclusion and exchange, and how might these meanings influence research into dance education?…”

Presentació del monogràfic. Introducció: Postpolítica i vigència del nacionalisme a l’Estat espanyol

“…rebuilding the industrial fabric of their countries and who articulate their scrutinising discourse about rejecting immigration, Islam, and the fight against terrorism (Corbett, 2016;Belina, 2013). This nationalistic ideal, therefore also rejects the multiculturalist project and questions the effectiveness and necessity of their key policies.…”