The shifting and diverging White working class in U.S. presidential elections, 1972–2004

Brady, David; Sosnaud, Benjamin; Frenk, Steven M.

doi:10.1016/j.ssresearch.2008.07.002

Cited by 14 publications

(10 citation statements)

References 53 publications

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Section: Explaining the Vote: Information And Misinformationmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The group that approved of the distribution (including those who originally knew, and those who were informed in the interview) was composed of significantly more men than women: women were more likely to disapprove of the tax cuts, both those who knew the distribution, and those who were informed of it during the interview (cf. Brady et al, 2008). Thus, while almost all of our interviewees refused to change their preferences, they used two different strategies for doing so (in addition to the small minority that simply refused to believe the information): they either developed reasons for approving of the policy, or they prioritized other reasons for voting for Bush.…”

Section: Explaining the Vote: Information And Misinformationmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Thus, support for the Republicans from less‐wealthy segments of the population, like the voter quoted above, has puzzled observers. The scholarly literature attempting to explain this phenomenon has settled on the following six possibilities (Bartels, 2006; Brady et al ., 2008; Burden, 2004; Campbell and Monson, 2005; Frank, 2004; Hillygus and Shields, 2005; Keeter, 2005; Kull et al ., 2004; Langer and Cohen, 2005; Lewis, 2005; Lovett and Jordan, 2005; see especially Roemer, 2006:2–3).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Undeserving Rich: “Moral Values” and the White Working Class¹

Prasad¹,

Perrin

Bezila

et al. 2009

Sociological Forum

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White working-class citizens who vote for the Republican Party have been fodder for much political discussion and speculation recently, and a debate has arisen about the role that ''moral values'' played in the political decision making of this segment of voters. In this article, we defend a version of the moral values claim. We show that although the Republicans' policies are unpopular, they are bundled with an overarching moral framework that is extremely resonant to this set of voters, and we use in-depth interviews to uncover this framework. A key feature of this framework, on which in the 2004 presidential election George W. Bush scored high and John Kerry scored low, is the appropriate attitude to wealth, which serves as an indicator for a candidate's general moral philosophy and as a heuristic about whether the candidate will govern with working-class voters' interests in mind. National Election Studies data support the argument that this was a key influence on the voting decision in 2004, even controlling for voters' partisan identification.

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Section: Explaining the Vote: Information And Misinformationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Explaining the Vote: Information And Misinformationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 1 more Smart Citation

The Undeserving Rich: “Moral Values” and the White Working Class¹

Prasad¹,

Perrin

Bezila

et al. 2009

Sociological Forum

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“…Nineteenth-century politics structurally excluded formal political participation of women, precluding gender-based electoral cleavages that are of increasing importance to the modern party system (Brady et al 2009;Pakulski and Waters 1996: 680). This exclusion should strengthen the economic basis of party membership during this era.…”

Section: Noneconomic Identitiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Emergence of Class Politics in Nineteenth-Century Massachusetts

Gershenson

2020

Soc. sci. hist.

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How do economic and social position structure partisan affiliation? While neo-Durkheimian treatments of class and political behavior suggest the potential for extreme variability in the social bases of partisan affiliation, data limitations have largely restricted quantitative studies of this relationship to the postwar era. This temporal limitation restricts variation in observable social structure, thus limiting the ability of analysts to assess theoretical explanations. To address this gap, I introduce novel data on occupation and ethnicity for more than 20,000 Massachusetts state legislators in the nineteenth century. This allows me to find the “best fit” model for the social bases of party affiliation in four distinct periods in Massachusetts’ political history. I show that the Massachusetts political system transitioned from a system of occupational cleavages to proto-class cleavages between the First Party System (1795–1826) and Second Party System (1835–54). The Civil War and Reconstruction Era (1855–77) was characterized by the emergence of an ethnic cleavage, but near-modern class divisions emerged as the strongest predictors of legislators’ party affiliations for the remainder of the Third Party System (1878–93). Combined with historiographical accounts of the nineteenth century, these analyses suggest that the emergence of class politics requires intermediary organizations such as unions and professional associations, the liberalization of economic laws and regulation, and the increasingly unequal distribution of productive property.

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“…1 For the ANES, a perfectly aligned social class categorization cannot be implemented because respondents are categorized into fewer categories (the 97 "minor" occupational groups rather than the 478 detailed occupations available for the ACS and other data sources that adopt the 1 See also Morgan and Lee (2017a, b) for prior usage with both the General Social Surveys and Current Population Surveys. Related versions of this class schema have been used with ANES data in the past (e.g., Hout, Brooks, and Manza 1995;Manza and Brooks 1999;Brady, Sosnaud, and Frenk 2009). …”

Section: Common Details Of the Analysismentioning

confidence: 99%

Trump Voters and the White Working Class

Morgan¹,

Lee²

2018

Preprint

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The shifting and diverging White working class in U.S. presidential elections, 1972–2004

Cited by 14 publications

References 53 publications

The Undeserving Rich: “Moral Values” and the White Working Class¹

The Undeserving Rich: “Moral Values” and the White Working Class¹

The Emergence of Class Politics in Nineteenth-Century Massachusetts

Trump Voters and the White Working Class

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About

The shifting and diverging White working class in U.S. presidential elections, 1972–2004

Cited by 14 publications

References 53 publications

The Undeserving Rich: “Moral Values” and the White Working Class1

The Undeserving Rich: “Moral Values” and the White Working Class1

The Emergence of Class Politics in Nineteenth-Century Massachusetts

Trump Voters and the White Working Class

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About

The Undeserving Rich: “Moral Values” and the White Working Class¹

The Undeserving Rich: “Moral Values” and the White Working Class¹