The Role(s) of the Eurosceptic MEPs

Brack, Nathalie; Costa, Olivier; Fuch, Dieter; Magni-Berton, Raul; Roger, Antoine

doi:10.2307/j.ctvbkk081.15

Cited by 5 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 10 publications

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“…2. For other, more fine-grained categorisations see, for example, Kopeck y and Mudde (2002), who distinguish between Euroenthusiasts, Europragmatists, Eurosceptics and Eurorejects, or Costa and Brack (2009), who suggest anti-EU, minimalist, reformist and resigned. Flood and Usherwood (2005) talk about maximalists, reformists, gradualists, minimalists, revisionists and rejectionists, ranging from unconditioned support for further EU integration to principled opposition to EU membership.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…2 While a categorisation of different nuances of Euroscepticism is important for an analysis of Eurosceptic parties and/or MEPs, it fails to explain Eurosceptics' attitudes inside the EP, especially when it comes to voting behaviour, coalition formation or their behaviour in plenary compared to committees (Almeida 2010;Brack 2015;Vasilopoulou 2013; Whitaker and Lynch 2014). Brack has filled this gap by developing a typology of Eurosceptic MEPs based on their different approaches to parliamentary work (Brack 2013(Brack , 2015Costa and Brack 2009). This typology classifies Eurosceptic MEPs into public orators, absentees, pragmatists and participants.…”

Section: Eurosceptics In the Ep: Voting Behaviour Coalitions And Strmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Eurosceptics in trilogue settings: interest formation and contestation in the European Parliament

Servent

Panning

2019

West European Politics

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Trilogues have been studied as sites of secluded inter-institutional decision making that gather the Council of the European Union, the European Parliament (EP) and the European Commission. Trilogues, however, are not exempt from formal and informal party-political dynamics that affect intraand inter-institutional contestation. The increase in Eurosceptics in the 2014 EP elections offers an opportunity to investigate their efforts to shape the position and behaviour of the EP negotiating team in trilogues. Therefore, this article investigates to what extent Eurosceptic party groups participate in trilogue negotiations and how mainstream groups deal with their presence. The analysis shows that the opportunities to participate in trilogues and shape the EP's position are higher for those perceived as soft Eurosceptic MEPs, while mainstream groups apply a 'cordon sanitaire' to those perceived as being part of hard Eurosceptic groupswhich reduces the chances of MEPs from those groups being willing to participate in parliamentary work.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Eurosceptics In the Ep: Voting Behaviour Coalitions And Strmentioning

confidence: 99%

Eurosceptics in trilogue settings: interest formation and contestation in the European Parliament

Servent

Panning

2019

West European Politics

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“…With over a tenth of the EP now representing critical voices – admittedly of very varying kinds – there has been the scope to establish a critical mass, where ideas and practice are shared. As Costa and Brack (2009) and Brack (2010, 2013) have noted, despite differing conceptions of their role, sceptical MEPs have built a framework of relations within the institutions that constitutes a base for leveraging their profile and influence.…”

Section: The Persistence Of Oppositionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Likewise, the inability or unwillingness of the Convention on the Future of the EU to engage with the alternative draft presented by sceptic delegates (Usherwood, 2007) was emblematic of the difficulties that oppositional voices have been faced with when given such opportunities. Even in the environment where they have carved out the most noticeable space (the EP), the choice for sceptic MEPs is either to absent themselves completely or risk socialization into the institution's practices and norms (Costa and Brack, 2009).…”

Section: The Consequences Of Oppositionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Euroscepticism as a Persistent Phenomenon*

Usherwood

Startin

2012

J of Common Market Studies

155

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In the two decades since the emergence of the European Union at Maastricht there has been a concerted attempt to build a European political space, typified by the debates on constitutionalisation and democratisation. Much less noticed, but no less important, has been the mobilisation of publics, interest groups and political parties against the integration process. In the light of the failure to realise the Laeken objectives, the stabilisation of an anti-integration bloc in the European Parliament, recurrent 'no' votes in national referenda and the emergence of an increasingly coordinated movement of critical interest groups, we argue that this opposition has become embedded and persistent, at both European and national levels. This will have considerable consequences for the Union itself and the way it has chosen to largely ignore sceptical voices to date.

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“…In November 2007, 180 of the total (at this time) of 785 Members of the European Parliament could be identified as one of these types (Costa & Brack 2009 The smallest faction in the European Parliament that can be described as Eurosceptic is Europe of Freedom and Democracy (EFD). In traditionally Eurosceptic Great Britain, the UKIP became the second-strongest party in Britain, with 16.5% of the vote.…”

Section: A Unifying Force? Euroscepticism In the European Parliamentmentioning

confidence: 99%

European Project in Danger? Understanding Precisely the Phenomena “Euroscepticsm, Populism and Extremism” in Times of Crisis

Hartleb

2012

RES

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The European project has recently reached a critical point, where a discussion on the fundamental objectives of the European Union has entered public debate. Obviously, a new euroscepticism is on the rise which is often linked with the agenda of populist or even extremist parties and a general tendency of ‘renationalizing Europe’. The drifting apart within the mainstream parties shows the cracks in European society. The success of right-wing populist tends to be volatile despite of the fact that this heterogeneous party family seems to be a permanent factor in the European party landscape. In Austria or France, the parties show with the second generation of leadership that they are able to renew themselves. But the parties differ a lot in the national backgrounds, can be extremist or totally not. In general, it is unlikely that any right-wing populist or extremist international groups will be formed any time soon competing as unified force at the European level. Extremist parties do not have enough potential support to pose a threat to the existing liberal democratic order with some exceptions such as Hungary an Greece due to the time of a severe crisis not only in economic terms. The power of European integration is so strong that it is unlikely that there will be any national U-turns on this issue, despite the occasional upsurge of populism or extremism in individual countries. Nevertheless, the debate over the future of European integration and of the European Union itself will continue to have a significant influence on the political debate in individual member states

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The Role(s) of the Eurosceptic MEPs

Cited by 5 publications

References 10 publications

Eurosceptics in trilogue settings: interest formation and contestation in the European Parliament

Eurosceptics in trilogue settings: interest formation and contestation in the European Parliament

Euroscepticism as a Persistent Phenomenon*

European Project in Danger? Understanding Precisely the Phenomena “Euroscepticsm, Populism and Extremism” in Times of Crisis

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