Abstract:Among the world's languages, syllable inventories allowing only initial consonants predominate over those allowing both initial and final consonants. Final consonants may be disfavored because they are less easy to identify and/or more difficult to produce than initial consonants. In this study, two perceptual confusion experiments were conducted in which subjects identified naturally produced consonant-vowel-consonant syllables in different frame sentences. Results indicated that initial consonants were signi… Show more
“…In natural materials, however, some degree of positional specificity of learning is expected, determined by the degree of acoustic similarity across positions. The less position-variable fricatives will likely result in less positional specificity in learning than will the more position-variable stop consonants (Redford & Diehl, 1999). The present findings therefore do not show whether prelexical representations are allophonic or phonemic.…”
Listeners use lexical knowledge to adjust to speakers’ idiosyncratic pronunciations. Dutch listeners learn to interpret an ambiguous sound between /s/ and /f/ as /f/ if they hear it word-finally in Dutch words normally ending in /f/, but as /s/ if they hear it in normally /s/-final words. Here, we examined two positional effects in lexically guided retuning. In Experiment 1, ambiguous sounds during exposure always appeared in word-initial position (replacing the first sounds of /f/- or /s/-initial words). No retuning was found. In Experiment 2, the same ambiguous sounds always appeared word-finally during exposure. Here, retuning was found. Lexically guided perceptual learning thus appears to emerge reliably only when lexical knowledge is available as the to-be-tuned segment is initially being processed. Under these conditions, however, lexically guided retuning was position independent: It generalized across syllabic positions. Lexical retuning can thus benefit future recognition of particular sounds wherever they appear in words
“…In natural materials, however, some degree of positional specificity of learning is expected, determined by the degree of acoustic similarity across positions. The less position-variable fricatives will likely result in less positional specificity in learning than will the more position-variable stop consonants (Redford & Diehl, 1999). The present findings therefore do not show whether prelexical representations are allophonic or phonemic.…”
Listeners use lexical knowledge to adjust to speakers’ idiosyncratic pronunciations. Dutch listeners learn to interpret an ambiguous sound between /s/ and /f/ as /f/ if they hear it word-finally in Dutch words normally ending in /f/, but as /s/ if they hear it in normally /s/-final words. Here, we examined two positional effects in lexically guided retuning. In Experiment 1, ambiguous sounds during exposure always appeared in word-initial position (replacing the first sounds of /f/- or /s/-initial words). No retuning was found. In Experiment 2, the same ambiguous sounds always appeared word-finally during exposure. Here, retuning was found. Lexically guided perceptual learning thus appears to emerge reliably only when lexical knowledge is available as the to-be-tuned segment is initially being processed. Under these conditions, however, lexically guided retuning was position independent: It generalized across syllabic positions. Lexical retuning can thus benefit future recognition of particular sounds wherever they appear in words
“…Redford & Diehl (1999) have shown that listeners to English CVC sequences make more errors identifying final consonants than initial ones. Discriminant analysis of acoustic measures confirmed a better performance for initial than for final consonants, 'suggesting that the perceptual advantage for initial consonants may be attributable to their greater acoustic distinctiveness ' (p. 1563).…”
Section: Phonetic Measures Of CV Vs Vc Syllable Structurementioning
Traditionally, phonological theory has held that the CV syllable is the basic syllable type across the world's languages. Recently however, Breen & Pensalfini (1999) have challenged the primacy of the CV syllable in phonological theory with data from Arrernte, an Aboriginal language spoken in central Australia. In this study, we set out to see if there is any acoustic phonetic basis to Breen & Pensalfini's claim. We examine real-word data from one speaker of Arrernte, five speakers of English, and three speakers each of Yanyuwa and Yindjibarndi (these are two other Aboriginal languages). Using F2 and F3 measures of the consonant, and locus equation measures, we find that CV does show more stability than VC in the English speakers' data, but that for the Aboriginal language speakers' data, there is a parity between the CV and VC measures. We suggest that this greater parity may be a necessary constraint on languages which have multiple places of articulation (six in the case of the Aboriginal languages studied here). We propose an alternative view of suprasegmental organization, and we suggest that more work is needed in order to understand the phonetic bases of suprasegmental structure.
“…Transitions are present only during the release of C2 into a following vowel, but not 6 during the release of C1, since there is no vowel following (for discussion, see Redford & Diehl 1999). Because the acoustic information for C1 is limited in this way, the degree to which the two consonants may overlap each other might be consequently restricted so as to preserve as much acoustic information as possible about each of the consonants.…”
According to previous investigations of gestural patterning, consonant gestures exhibit less temporal overlap in a syllable/word onset than in a coda or across syllables.Additionally, front-to-back order of place of articulation in stop-stop sequences (labialcoronal, coronal-dorsal, labial-dorsal) exhibits more overlap than the opposite order. One possible account for these differences is that substantial overlap of obstruent gestures may threaten their perceptual recoverability, particularly word/utterance-initially and in a backto-front sequence. We report here on a magnetometer study of gestural overlap, investigating the role of perceptual recoverability. We focus on Georgian, which allows stop sequences in different positions in the word. C1C2 sequences were examined as a function of position in the word, and the order of place of articulation of C1 and C2. The predictions were borne out: more overlap was allowed in positions where recoverability of C1 is less easily compromised (word-internally and in front-to-back sequences). Similar recoverability requirements are proposed to account for consonant sequencing phenomena violating sonority. Georgian syllable onsets violate sonority, but are apparently sensitive to gestural recoverability requirements as reflected in overlap patterns. We propose that sonority sequencing allows gestures to overlap while still allowing recoverability, but this function can apparently be filled in other ways.3
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