That syllable onsets are present in all languages is widely regarded as axiomatic, and the preference for syllabifying consonants as onsets over codas is considered a linguistic universal. The Central Australian language Arrernte provides the strongest possible counterevidence to this universal, with phenomena generally used to determine syllabification suggesting that all consonants in Arrernte are syllabified as codas at the word level. Attempts to explain the Arrernte facts in terms of syllables with onsets either make the wrong predictions or require proposals that render the putative onset universal unfalsifiable.
Traditionally, phonological theory has held that the CV syllable is the basic syllable type across the world's languages. Recently however, Breen & Pensalfini (1999) have challenged the primacy of the CV syllable in phonological theory with data from Arrernte, an Aboriginal language spoken in central Australia. In this study, we set out to see if there is any acoustic phonetic basis to Breen & Pensalfini's claim. We examine real-word data from one speaker of Arrernte, five speakers of English, and three speakers each of Yanyuwa and Yindjibarndi (these are two other Aboriginal languages). Using F2 and F3 measures of the consonant, and locus equation measures, we find that CV does show more stability than VC in the English speakers' data, but that for the Aboriginal language speakers' data, there is a parity between the CV and VC measures. We suggest that this greater parity may be a necessary constraint on languages which have multiple places of articulation (six in the case of the Aboriginal languages studied here). We propose an alternative view of suprasegmental organization, and we suggest that more work is needed in order to understand the phonetic bases of suprasegmental structure.
This study presents dental, alveolar, retroflex, and palatal lateral /̪ll ɭ ʎ/ data from three Central Australian languages: Arrernte, Pitjantjatjara, and Warlpiri. Formant results show that the laminal laterals (dental /̪l/ and palatal /ʎ/) have a relatively low F1, presumably due to a high jaw position for these sounds, as well as higher F4. In addition, the palatal /ʎ/ has very high F2. There is relatively little difference in F3 between the four lateral places of articulation. However, the retroflex /ɭ/ appears to have slightly lower F3 and F4 in comparison to the other lateral sounds. Importantly, spectral moment analyses suggest that centre of gravity and standard deviation (first and second spectral moments) are sufficient to characterize the four places of articulation. The retroflex has a concentration of energy at slightly lower frequencies than the alveolar, while the palatal has a concentration of energy at higher frequencies. The dental is characterized by a more even spread of energy. These various results are discussed in light of different acoustic models of lateral production, and the possibility of spectral cues to place of articulation across manners of articulation is considered.
This study presents nasal consonant data from 21 speakers of three Central Australian languages: Arrernte, Pitjantjatjara and Warlpiri. The six nasals considered are bilabial /m/, dental /n/, alveolar /n/, retroflex /ɳ/, alveo-palatal /ɲ/, and velar /ŋ/. Nasal formant and bandwidth values are examined, as are the locations of spectral minima. Several differences are found between the bilabial /m/ and the velar /ŋ/, and also the palatal /ɲ/. The remaining coronal nasals /n n ɳ/ are not well differentiated within the nasal murmur, but their average bandwidths are lower than for the other nasal consonants. Broader spectral shape measures (Centre of Gravity and Standard Deviation) are also considered, and comparisons are made with data for stops and laterals in these languages based on the same spectral measures. It is suggested that nasals are not as easily differentiated using the various measures examined here as are stops and laterals. It is also suggested that existing models of nasal consonants do not fully account for the observed differences between the various nasal places of articulation; and that oral formants, in addition to anti-formants, contribute substantially to the output spectrum of nasal consonants.
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