New Forms and Expressions of Conflict at Work 2013
DOI: 10.1057/9781137304483_5
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The Re-Emergence of Workplace-Based Organization as the New Expression of Conflict in Argentina

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Cited by 12 publications
(11 citation statements)
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References 19 publications
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“…First, they provided the legal framework for the strike and respected the assembly as the space of decision for the workers on strike. This position, which differentiated them from the policies of main unions that were viewed as too bureaucratic by the workers, appeared to be crucial for the participation of workers in the strike and reinforced their decision to participate in the mobilization, which resembles the 'collective leadership' identified by Atzeni and Ghigliani (2013). The latter also reflects a context in which grass-roots movements and assemblies were revitalized and safeguarded against more bureaucratic and institutionalized practices.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 93%
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“…First, they provided the legal framework for the strike and respected the assembly as the space of decision for the workers on strike. This position, which differentiated them from the policies of main unions that were viewed as too bureaucratic by the workers, appeared to be crucial for the participation of workers in the strike and reinforced their decision to participate in the mobilization, which resembles the 'collective leadership' identified by Atzeni and Ghigliani (2013). The latter also reflects a context in which grass-roots movements and assemblies were revitalized and safeguarded against more bureaucratic and institutionalized practices.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 93%
“…On the other hand, and more crucially, by doing so they were confronting the employers' rationale of divide and rule developed by subcontracting and helped to create a collective identity of workers in the sector. Furthermore, the establishment of the assembly as a space of decision of all workers on strike resembles the 'collective leadership' identified by Atzeni and Ghigliani (2013) and reinforced the collective identity of the strikers.…”
Section: Developing a Collective Identitymentioning
confidence: 90%
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“…ASIMM was affiliated to CGT ( Confederación General del Trabajo ), the most important trade union confederation, traditionally identified with Peronism, and which was supporting the government at that time. ASIMM official recognition was arguably part of a political deal between the government and the CGT aimed at reducing the power and relevance of independent unions (Atzeni and Ghigliani, 2013). The formal recognition granted to ASIMM implied the illegality of any other existing organization attempting to take action in defence of ASIMM members.…”
Section: Workers’ ‘Associational Power’ and The Political Context Of mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Studies of conflict, control and cooperation in the labour process inspired by Burawoy’s (1979, 1985) work; of trade unions’ sociology using Hyman’s (1975, 2001) framework together with Kelly’s (1998) mobilization theory; and Silver’s (2003) longue dur é e comparative analysis of working classes mobilization, have influenced some of the most relevant book monographs of recent years (Ghigliani, 2010; Marticorena, 2014; Santella, 2016; Soul, 2014; Varela, 2015). The debate on union revitalization or renewal has also been used as a general frame of reference in various studies and edited books looking into institutional aspects of industrial relations (Etchemendy and Collier, 2007; Montes Cató and Delfini, 2015; Palomino and Trajtemberg, 2006; Senen Gonzalez and Del Bono, 2013; among others), as well as for studies investigating grassroots processes of workers’ organization and action (Atzeni and Ghigliani, 2013; D’Urso and Longo, 2017; Lenguita, 2011; Varela, 2015; Ventrici and Montes Cató, 2011). The latter studies fit closely with what can be considered a left approach to the revitalization debate concerned with the dynamics and factors influencing the construction of workplace power and the role of politics in this (Cohen, 2006; Darlington, 2009; Gall, 2013; Ness, 2014) and with unions’ democracy and identity (see the Capital and Class special issue on Hyman’s work, Gall and Darlington, 2012).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%