There has been a renewed interest in populism in Latin America, sparked by the social mobilization against neoliberalism usually referred to as the 'Pink Tide'. Governments brought to power by the Pink Tide have been successful in reconstructing the conditions of capital accumulation as well as incorporating a new set of social movement demands. This article puts forward an interpretation of 'Pink Tide neopopulism' based on a political economy approach. It argues that the two factors of a crisis of neoliberalism in the region and the existence of social movements with unmet demands are not enough to explain the rise and demise of populism. The commodity boom needs to be added as an enabling condition for these transformations. By revisiting the debate in Latin America and proposing a different reading, the article redefines an overloaded term and provides a new analytical viewpoint from which to understand the 'historical task' of populism in Brazil and Argentina.
If you want to make your dreams come true, the first thing you have to do is wake up. J.M. Power Capitalist crises have traditionally been a fruitful arena for Marxist analysis, and an opportunity to contrast the relative merits of contesting theories through the prism of the same empirical case. 1 Like lightning, though sometimes brief, crises illuminate many hidden aspects of social life, challenging our visions and forcing us to perform theoretical gymnastics. Politically, crises challenge our actions, unmask the limits of bourgeois and social-democratic alternatives and open a terrain for new opportunities.Explaining and interpreting the causes and trends of the Argentine crisis was never going to be a task without risks. It was risky, both in the sense that subsequent events could prove your diagnosis wrong, and, moreover, that it could serve as a misleading guide during times when political action might beat least locally -decisive. This intervention attempts 222 • Juan Grigera
In recent years sociological research on labour in Argentina has re-flourished. This revival has seen a turn towards the Anglo-Saxon and international traditions of workplace and trade union studies, but it has been generally one-sided, focusing on the relatively successful experiences of trade unions’ organized workers in formal sector workplaces. This has represented a considerable departure from the pre-2001 crisis research’s agenda that focused on unemployment, poverty and the new forms of community based organizations generated by workers in non-work situations. The return to the institutionalized sphere in the analysis of work issues can be partially explained by the changes in the economic and political environment alongside the return to ‘normality’ of the capital–labour relationship. However, it also signals a tendency in labour studies, in Argentina and beyond, of using the union form as the main organizational frame of reference in the analyses of conflict and workers’ representation.
En este artículo presentaremos un mapa de la protesta social en Brasil, Argentina, Chile y Colombia durante el periodo 2019-2020, exponiendo desde un abordaje cuantitativo las tendencias, intensidades, formatos, actores y demandas de la conflictividad social y laboral. El objetivo es, en primer lugar, pensar en términos comparativos cuáles son los cambios y continuidades de la conflictividad social y laboral en el escenario post-pandemia. Por otro lado, buscamos también dar cuenta de cuáles son las tendencias comunes y disimilitudesde la protesta social en cada uno de los países de América Latina seleccionados.
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