“…Others also highlighted the need to make space for Muslim voices due to the high level of anti-Muslim discrimination and Islamophobia in Western countries such as the UK and Canada. Islamophobia is a manifestation of white supremacy and racism that targets peoples who are followers or are perceived to follow the faith of Islam; Islamophobia is manifested through structural and interpersonal forms of violence and exclusion (Abu-Laban & Bakan, 2008). Islamophobia involves a fear, hatred and distrust of Muslims, the faith of Islam, and those perceived to be Muslim (Iqbal, 2010).…”
Section: Islamophobia and Anti-muslim Discriminationmentioning
This critical narrative study seeks to explore two central research questions: 1) How do
Muslim peoples understand, approach and engage in social justice work in and around Toronto
and what are their experiences, and 2) What are the ways in which Islam and spirituality
influence, impact and shape their social justice work? Using a lens that involves critical race
theory, anti-colonialism and Islam, I delve deep into my own experiences and perspectives on
Islam, spirituality and social justice work, as well as those of two other Muslim social justice
advocates involved in Indigenous sovereignty, Black liberation and anti-Islamophobia
movements. The findings of this study offer deep critical insights on the state of anti-oppressive
and transformative social work and social justice spaces in the settler colonial context of
Toronto. Central concepts explored in this work include dynamics of anger, significant
relationships and Islamic concepts such as tawhid. It has been completed as partial completion of
the Master of Social Work Program at Ryerson University.
“…Others also highlighted the need to make space for Muslim voices due to the high level of anti-Muslim discrimination and Islamophobia in Western countries such as the UK and Canada. Islamophobia is a manifestation of white supremacy and racism that targets peoples who are followers or are perceived to follow the faith of Islam; Islamophobia is manifested through structural and interpersonal forms of violence and exclusion (Abu-Laban & Bakan, 2008). Islamophobia involves a fear, hatred and distrust of Muslims, the faith of Islam, and those perceived to be Muslim (Iqbal, 2010).…”
Section: Islamophobia and Anti-muslim Discriminationmentioning
This critical narrative study seeks to explore two central research questions: 1) How do
Muslim peoples understand, approach and engage in social justice work in and around Toronto
and what are their experiences, and 2) What are the ways in which Islam and spirituality
influence, impact and shape their social justice work? Using a lens that involves critical race
theory, anti-colonialism and Islam, I delve deep into my own experiences and perspectives on
Islam, spirituality and social justice work, as well as those of two other Muslim social justice
advocates involved in Indigenous sovereignty, Black liberation and anti-Islamophobia
movements. The findings of this study offer deep critical insights on the state of anti-oppressive
and transformative social work and social justice spaces in the settler colonial context of
Toronto. Central concepts explored in this work include dynamics of anger, significant
relationships and Islamic concepts such as tawhid. It has been completed as partial completion of
the Master of Social Work Program at Ryerson University.
“…The racial contract has served to render the state of Israel as exceptional in its relationship to international law, while absenting Palestinians as simultaneously non-white, the subjects of extreme repression and stateless. 31 Employing Gramsci's understanding of hegemony is useful in this framework, acknowledging how this racial contract, like the capitalist system itself, is never static, but grounded in contradictory forces and subject to challenge.…”
Section: Boycotting Israel: History and Contextmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…This article addresses the history, context and strategic significance of the organised transnational movement of civil society actors calling for a BDS campaign to protest against the Israeli state's illegal military occupation of Palestine and refusal to adhere to international law. Following the December Bakan & Abu-Laban: Palestinian resistance and international solidarity 31 2008-January 2009 war on Gaza, the BDS call was reiterated. 10 New actors and new voices have joined, and continue to join, this movement in rapid response.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Both Bakan and Abu-Laban have lived in Canada in spaces that cross and intersect oppression and privilege, racist discrimination and 'passing' as white, identity and refusal of acceptance of identity. 15 Our analytical framework considers the call for a comprehensive campaign of boycott, divestment and sanctions against Israel from the perspective of international solidarity and posits the campaign as a positive and progressive step in coalition building and the advance of social movements. Further, we argue that support for this campaign can serve as a challenge to a particular element of western elite hegemony in the form of the ideology of Zionism.…”
Israel's recent war in Gaza ('Operation Cast Lead') has both exposed Israel's defiance of international law and provided the occasion for increasing support for an organised transnational boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) movement. The BDS movement is aimed at challenging the Israeli state's illegal military occupation and a host of corresponding repressive policies directed at Palestinians. However, the BDS campaign, and in particular the call for an academic boycott, has been controversial. It has generated a counter-response emphasising, variously, the goals of the movement as ineffective, counterproductive to peace and/or security, contrary to norms of academic freedom and even tied to anti-Judaism and anti-Semitism. Utilising a Gramscian approach, and drawing from Charles Mills' concept of 'racial contract', we examine the history of the divestment campaign and the debates it has engendered. We argue that the effectiveness of BDS as a strategy of resistance and cross-border solidarity is intimately connected with a challenge to the hegemonic place of Zionism in western ideology. This campaign has challenged an international racial contract which, from 1948, has assigned a common interest between the state of Israel and international political allies, while absenting Palestinians as simultaneously non-white, the subjects of extreme repression and stateless. The BDS campaign also points to an alternative — the promise of a real and lasting peace in the Middle East.
“…Israel has continued its settler colonial project in Palestine, with its distinct forms of occupation (Zureik 2011:4) and apartheid , through state discourses and practices of separation, fragmentation, and violence. Adding to recent work concerning Israel's discursive, systemic, and performative racialization of Palestinians (e.g., Abu-Laban andBakan 2008, 2011;Abu El-Haj 2010;Lentin 2004Lentin , 2008Goldberg 2008), this article offers a categorical framework that underlines the relationality between race, class, and gender that has been central to the structuring network of Zionist colonization from its initial stages to the colonial present. 1 Like Patrick Wolfe (2006) who underscores the identifiable features of the structure of settler colonialism, most definitively in what he terms "the logic of elimination," I understand settler colonialism as an ongoing project rather than an event.…”
This article presents a categorical framework for the interrogation of power relations in the study and analysis of Israeli colonialism in Palestine. Following critical antiracist feminist approaches, I highlight the relationship between race, class, and gender constructions that are crucial to colonial rule. Extending Chandra Mohanty's (1991) reading of Dorothy Smith's "relations of ruling," I outline six intersecting categories of colonial practices to examine Israel's particular colonization forms and processes. These categories include: racial separation; citizenship and naturalization forms and processes; construction and consolidation of existing social inequalities; gender, sexuality, and sexual violence; racialized and gendered prisoners; and "unmarked" versus "marked" discourses. Understanding colonial experiences as heterogeneous and plural, I conclude by arguing for the furthering of decolonial and antiracist feminist analyses from within specific sites of resistance.Résumé. Cet article présente un cadre d'analyse pour l'interrogation des relations de pouvoir au sein de l'étude et l'analyse de la colonisation israélienne de la Palestine. En suivant les approches critiques antiracistes féministes, je souligne le relationnisme entre la construction de la race, la classe et le genre qui sont cruciaux à la domination coloniale. Poursuivant l'interprétation des « relations of ruling » de Dorothy Smith par Chandra Mohanty (1991), j'esquisse six catégories des pratiques coloniales sécantes pour examiner les formes et processus particuliers de colonisation par Israël. Ces catégories incluent: la séparation raciale; les formes et les processus de citoyenneté et naturalisation, la construction et la consolidation des inégalités sociales existantes, le genre, la sexualité et la violence sexuelle, les prisonniers basés sur le genre et la race, et les discours «non marqués» par opposition aux discours «marqués». En comprenant que les expériences coloniales sont hétérogènes et multiples, je conclus en faisant valoir et en plaidant pour la poursuite des analyses de décolonisation et des analyses antiracistes féministes au sein des espaces spécifiques de résistance.
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