Abstract:Scholars have shown that diversity depresses public goods provision. In U.S. cities, racial and ethnic divisions could seriously undermine investment. However, diverse cities spend significant amounts on public goods. We ask how these communities overcome their potential collective action problem. Using a new data set on more than 3,000 municipal bond elections, we show that strategic politicians encourage cooperation. Diversity leads officials to be more selective about requesting approval for investment and … Show more
“…Thus, we might alternatively expect an increase in spending if diversity is accompanied by a greater push to fully serve each represented ethnic group. Some evidence consistent with this is provided by Rugh and Trounstine (2011). They find that diverse cities are more likely to propose spending packages that bundle public goods, which may be driven by an attempt to satisfy a diverse electorate.…”
“…Thus, we might alternatively expect an increase in spending if diversity is accompanied by a greater push to fully serve each represented ethnic group. Some evidence consistent with this is provided by Rugh and Trounstine (2011). They find that diverse cities are more likely to propose spending packages that bundle public goods, which may be driven by an attempt to satisfy a diverse electorate.…”
“…This behavior, repeatedly observed in the laboratory, is often cited as one of the primary reasons for the well-established finding that diversity is negatively correlated with public goods provision cross-nationally (Alesina and Zhuravskaya 2008;Enos and Gidron 2016;Habyarimana et al 2009). Scholars have drawn direct connections between local ethnic diversity and the willingness of voters to allocate funds for public goods, including schools (Alesina, Baqir, and Easterly 1999;Rugh and Trounstine 2011). Furthermore, research has shown that whites in the United States draw on negative stereotypes about African Americans when forming policy attitudes about benefits perceived to disproportionately target members of that racial group (Gilens 1999).…”
Violent protests are dramatic political events, yet we know little about the effect of these events on political behavior. While scholars typically treat violent protests as deliberate acts undertaken in pursuit of specific goals, due to a lack of appropriate data and difficulty in causal identification, there is scant evidence of whether riots can actually increase support for these goals. Using geocoded data, we analyze measures of policy support before and after the 1992 Los Angeles riot—one of the most high-profile events of political violence in recent American history—that occurred just prior to an election. Contrary to some expectations from the academic literature and the popular press, we find that the riot caused a marked liberal shift in policy support at the polls. Investigating the sources of this shift, we find that it was likely the result of increased mobilization of both African American and white voters. Remarkably, this mobilization endures over a decade later.
“…Scholars have argued that ethnic diversity impedes the willingness of residents to tax themselves out of worry that the benefits of their investments will be captured by people much different than themselves, and diverted to policies they do not support (Alesina, Baqir, Easterly 1999;Alesina and Spolaore 1997;Easterly and Levine 1997;Glaser 2002;Habyarimana et al 2007;Poterba 1994;Putnam 2007;Rugh and Trounstine 2011). In addition, Alesina, Baqir, and Hoxby (2004) show that racial heterogeneity has historically been associated with local government fragmentation within U.S. local government and has posed a major barrier to government consolidation.…”
Section: The Rise Of Non-ad Valorem Assessmentsmentioning
Abstract:Non-ad valorem assessments on property are a fiscal innovation born from financial stress. Unable to raise property taxes due to limitations, many localities have turned to these charges as an alternative method to fund local services. In this paper, we seek to explain differential levels of non-ad valorem assessment financing through the analysis of property tax records of a large and diverse set of single family homes in California. We theorize that assessments, as opposed to other forms of taxation, will be used when residents hold anti-redistributive preferences. We show that assessment financing is most common in cities with high median household incomes and greater ethnic diversity. We also show that certain types of assessments, those with narrow geographic range, are frequently levied on expensive homes in poorer communities. We argue that this new form of financing exacerbates economic inequality by creating additional inequities in public service provisions.
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