Micro-Change and Macro-Change in Diachronic Syntax 2017
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198747840.003.0012
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The pragmatics of demonstratives in Germanic

Abstract: This chapter will seek to demonstrate that demonstrative pronouns in Germanic are inherently pragmatically contrastive, in that they conventionally signal a marked and unexpected referent given the existing discourse structure. Data on object topicalization show that in information-structurally driven operations, demonstrative pronouns pattern more like contrastive elements than like non-contrastive ones. In this way they can be analysed as subinformative in the sense of Gast (2010), with an information-struct… Show more

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Cited by 3 publications
(3 citation statements)
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“…The idea that specifier positions of conflated heads are 'multifunctional' in cases of syncretism, in the sense that they can be used to satisfy the criterial requirements of any one of the heads conflated, is the tacit assumption in the literature on conflation (e.g., Giorgi and Pianesi 1997;Hsu 2016). A reviewer raises the question of why an XP in such a specifier position is able to 'pick one' Criterion to fronted with no interpretive effects ('formal movement'; Fanselow 2003Fanselow , 2004Frey 2004;Light 2013). This type of account derives the differences between subjectinitial and non-subject-initial main clauses that prompted the two-structure analyses of Travis (1984) and Zwart (1991Zwart ( , 1993, by appealing to different motivations for movement rather than different structural positions: see Frey (2004: 6-14) for the details.…”
Section: A Split-cp Approachmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The idea that specifier positions of conflated heads are 'multifunctional' in cases of syncretism, in the sense that they can be used to satisfy the criterial requirements of any one of the heads conflated, is the tacit assumption in the literature on conflation (e.g., Giorgi and Pianesi 1997;Hsu 2016). A reviewer raises the question of why an XP in such a specifier position is able to 'pick one' Criterion to fronted with no interpretive effects ('formal movement'; Fanselow 2003Fanselow , 2004Frey 2004;Light 2013). This type of account derives the differences between subjectinitial and non-subject-initial main clauses that prompted the two-structure analyses of Travis (1984) and Zwart (1991Zwart ( , 1993, by appealing to different motivations for movement rather than different structural positions: see Frey (2004: 6-14) for the details.…”
Section: A Split-cp Approachmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Chomsky (1995) and ( 2001)), or else, in a broader, context it has been posited that Topicalization can affect various information structural categories (for a survey of some recent accounts q.v. (Light) 2013). The analysis in 12) above lies more in line with Chomsky (2008), where the head C with its edge position/s is a strictly minimalist version of Rizzi's Split CP, resulting in feature spread from one functional head.…”
mentioning
confidence: 60%
“…CTs are in TopP and CFs are in FocP, whereas KP-a projection that has by hypothesis disappeared in MP-is reserved to delimitators. The latter elements are usually expressed by demonstratives, whose contrastive features can be explained in terms of their pragmatic context (Light 2012). In the following section we further explore how demonstratives are connected to V2-like grammars and, consequently, to boundedness.…”
Section: The Frequency Of XV and Of Vsmentioning
confidence: 99%