The political economy of dependency under socialism: The Asian Republics in the USSR

Gleason, Gregory

doi:10.1016/0039-3592(91)90010-4

Cited by 16 publications

(8 citation statements)

References 18 publications

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“…44 A great deal has been written about the political economy of cotton and its effects on the relations between the Moscow centre and the CARs. 45 The principal interest of Moscow in the CARs was for its agricultural potential to produce 'white gold'; Soviet central planners achieved unprecedented levels of production, mainly by constructing extensive irrigation schemes, thus converting otherwise arid pastureland into blooming fields of cotton. 46 Dependence on the agricultural sector as a primary source of employment and foreign exchange earnings (to a lesser extent in Kazakhstan) therefore has differentiated the CARs from the other FSU Republics, especially in the post-Soviet period (Figures 3a,b).…”

Section: Agriculture and The Environment In Central Asiamentioning

confidence: 99%

Child mortality in Central Asia: social policy, agriculture and the environment

Franz¹,

FitzRoy²

2006

Central Asian Survey

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Section: Agriculture and The Environment In Central Asiamentioning

confidence: 99%

Child mortality in Central Asia: social policy, agriculture and the environment

Franz¹,

FitzRoy²

2006

Central Asian Survey

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“…Uzbekistan was absorbed into the Soviet Union as a primary commodity producer, consolidating a pattern evident since the Tsarist conquest of Central Asia. 1 This has led many commentators to remark on the deleterious social, political and ecological consequences of the monocrop cotton economy (Carley 1989;Rumer 1989;Gleason 1991Gleason , 1997Spoor 1993;Pomfret 1995;Fierman 1997;Thurman 1999). 2 The large rural labour surplus of Uzbekistan, the low levels of rural wages and labour mobility compared to the rest of the Soviet Union, were already widely documented (Lubin 1984;Craumer 1992Craumer , 1995.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Cry for Land: Agrarian Reform, Gender and Land Rights in Uzbekistan

Kandiyoti

2003

Journal of Agrarian Change

104

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Agrarian reform in Uzbekistan has been informed by contradictory objectives and priorities. Legislation has oscillated between measures to increase private access to land, in line with populist pressures and the structural reform agenda of international agencies, and counter-measures to tighten and restrict such access in response to the Government imperative of retaining control over the production and export earnings of cotton. Drawing on fieldwork carried out in the provinces of Andijan and Khorezm in 2000-1, this article analyses the role of gendered divisions of labour in the maintenance of a commercial cotton sector alongside a smallholder economy that has become the mainstay of rural livelihoods since the post-Soviet collapse of public sector employment and wages. It also discusses the outcomes of different types of farm restructuring and highlights the gender differentiated outcomes of a reform process that forces a growing number of women out of the recorded labour force into casual, unremunerated and informal work.

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“…The close analytic connection between capitalist expansion and imperialism by and large retarded a parallel discussion of the role of the Soviet state. However, a style of enquiry reminiscent of dependency theory did develop, as did critical perspectives on the nature of the encounter with the Soviet state (e.g., Gleason 1991). One of the earliest discussions, provided by Nove and Newton (1967), drew attention to the difficulties of conceptualizing Soviet rule as a clear-cut case of colonial domination because it exhibited many contradictory features: a diversion of capital to less developed areas that are difficult to justify on strict economic grounds, on the one hand, and the centralizing practices of the Soviet state and dominance of the Russians, on the other.…”

Section: S Ov I E T M O D E R N I Z At I O N I N C E N T R a L A S I mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…It is not citizenship but natsional'nost, an ascriptive legal category, that determines one's life chances-positively if one is a member of one of the "titular" nationalities, and negatively if one happens to be a member of a "minority" nationality. Thus, Gleason (1993) suggests that ethnic belonging is not merely about preferences in lifestyles and customs; it is very much related to something as crucial as expectations about the future. Roeder (1991) relates the recent aggravation of this state of affairs to a redistributive crisis.…”

Section: S Ov I E T E T H N O G R a P H Y A N D N At I O N A L I T Y mentioning

confidence: 99%

Post-Colonialism Compared: Potentials and Limitations in the Middle East and Central Asia

Kandiyoti¹

2002

Int. J. Middle East Stud.

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The term “post-colonial” is a relative newcomer to the jargon of Western social science. Although discussions about the effects of colonial and imperialist domination are by no means new, the various meanings attached to the prefix “post-” and different understandings of what characterizes the post-colonial continue to make this term a controversial one. Among the criticisms leveled against it, reviewed comprehensively by Hall (1996), are the dangers of careless homogenizing of experiences as disparate as those of white settler colonies, such as Australia and Canada; of the Latin American continent, whose independence battles were fought in the 19th century; and countries such as India, Nigeria, or Algeria that emerged from very different colonial encounters in the post-World War II era. He suggests, nevertheless, that “What the concept may help us to do is to describe or characterise the shift in global relations which marks the (necessarily uneven) transition from the age of Empires to the post-independence and post-decolonisation moment” (Hall 1996, 246). Rattansi (1997) proposes a distinction between “post-coloniality” to designate a set of historical epochs and “post-colonialism” or “post-colonialist studies” to refer to a particular form of intellectual inquiry that has as its central defining theme the mutually constitutive role played by colonizer and colonized in shaping the identities of both the dominant power and those at the receiving end of imperial and colonial projects. Within the field of post-colonial studies itself, Moore-Gilbert (1997) points to the divide between “post-colonial criticism,” which has much earlier antecedents in the writings of those involved in anti-colonial struggles, and “post-colonial theory,” which distinguishes itself from the former by the incoporation of methodological paradigms derived from contemporary European cultural theories into discussions of colonial systems of representation and cultural production. Whatever the various interpretations of the term or the various temporalities associated with it might be, Hall claims that the post-colonial “marks a critical interruption into that grand whole historiographical narrative which, in liberal historiography and Weberian historical sociology, as much as in the dominant traditions of Western Marxism, gave this global dimension a subordinate presence in a story that could essentially be told from its European parameters” (Hall 1996, 250). In what follows, I will attempt a brief discussion of some of the circumstances leading to the emergence of this concept and interrogate the extent to which it lends itself to a meaningful comparison of the modern trajectories of societies in the Middle East and Central Asia.

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The political economy of dependency under socialism: The Asian Republics in the USSR

Cited by 16 publications

References 18 publications

Child mortality in Central Asia: social policy, agriculture and the environment

Child mortality in Central Asia: social policy, agriculture and the environment

The Cry for Land: Agrarian Reform, Gender and Land Rights in Uzbekistan

Post-Colonialism Compared: Potentials and Limitations in the Middle East and Central Asia

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