Domestic services are purchased to alleviate time demands in the home. Outsourcing is substituting market goods and services for one's own labor (Bittman, Matheson and Meagher 1999). Just as firms outsource accounting or janitorial functions to independent contractors, so do households buy substitutes for their members' labor. Outsourced alternatives are produced in the industrial sector (e.g., take-out dinners) and the service sector (e.g., nannies, carpet cleaners, personal tax accountants). In the United States where housekeeping and childcare services are often provided by undocumented Latina immigrants (HondagneuSotelo 2001), these jobs are typically unregulated by formal rules and contracts and characterized by low pay rates. Given the increase in dual-earner families (McLanahan and Casper 1995), domestic outsourcing is an adaptive strategy for families that have high disposable incomes to purchase services, but less discretionary time for housework (Treas 1987). As an alternative to housewifery, domestic services may explain why women devote less time to housework than in the 1960s (Bianchi et al. 2000). Research shows that married couples use services in response to competing time demands of home and work (Bellante and Foster 1984; Brayfield 1995;Cohen 1998;Hanson and Ooms 1991;Oropesa 1993;Soberon-Ferrer and Dardis 1991). Reporting on cleaning, cooking and childcare that fall mostly to women, studies have neglected expenditures on "male" chores around the house.Women do most of the housework (Blair and Lichter 1991), but outsourcing studies display little gender theorizing (but see Oropesa, 1993, andVan Dijk andSiegers, 1996). By offsetting structural barriers to gender equality, purchased services help married women to compete in the labor market. Outsourcing household work diminishes the demands of women's "second shift" at home (Hochschild 1989). Cohabiting women may also benefit from outsourcing, but the expenditures of cohabitors and married couples may differ. Compared to married people, cohabitors do less housework, and both partners do more paid work -consistent with their egalitarian views of gender (Coltrane 2000). As another incentive to outsource, singles face gender-specific labor shortages in the home because they lack a partner to handle chores generally assigned to the other gender. This study investigates how spending on "gender-typed" domestic tasks in the United States varies by living arrangements (i.e., household differences in gender composition). This is, to our knowledge, the first study to use expenditure data to study the gendering of domestic outsourcing. Because there is little theorizing on how outsourcing varies by household type, we extrapolate from the literature on the household division of labor to develop hypotheses about domestic service spending. Admittedly, expenditures are a rough measure of outsourcing because they do not distinguish between the quantity and quality of the domestic good or service purchased. A data set containing information about 1,114 Dutch hous...