The Penguin Revolution in Chile: Exploring Intergenerational Learning in Social Movements

Abstract

In this paper, we introduce the Penguin Revolution, a social movement of high school students in Chile who are protesting the neo-liberalization of education in their country. This new activism surprised many because of the marked decline in political mobilization witnessed over the past 18 years since the Pinochet dictatorship. Findings from an earlier study of the women’s movement in Arica, Chile bear important clues to understanding the re-emergence of social action in the current generation, particularly the role of intergenerational learning (Chovanec, 2006a, 2006b). First, previous generations of women had developed a strong critical social consciousness that did not disappear during the years of retreat from direct political engagement. Second, although social movements may be quiescent, there are mechanisms for quiet continuity that engage all three generations of women in the community. We argue for providing a deliberate political education to the younger generations by drawing on the radical educational potential of parents as organic intellectuals and the historical promise of political parties as political educators.

Scope and quality of student participation in school: towards an analytical framework for adolescents

“…Because of this, it is difficult to determine the most common pattern in the configuration of adolescents' participation in school. While there is a growing participation in school and pupil councils in the UK oriented to the domain of decisionmaking (Cross, Hulme, & McKinney, 2014;Whitty & Wisby, 2007), recently in Chilean and Argentinian schools, adolescents have been able to participate through their own organisations and displaying rather contentious repertoires (Chovanec & Benitez, 2008;Nuñez, 2011). In Mexico City, in contrast, adolescents mostly participate through spontaneous agencies or outside organised bodies; although by law there must be a student society in every secondary school (a representational agency), the repertoires of participation in these agencies tend to be led by teachers and school authorities (Pérez Expósito, 2014a;Sandoval, 2000).…”

Rethinking political participation: A pedagogical approach for citizenship education

“…At best, they are becoming political (Hahn, 1998). While there are recent examples of how adolescents can influence this domain (Chovanec and Benitez, 2008;Nuñez, 2011;TvPTS, 2010), if we restrict the political within it, students will always be in a disadvantageous position, in so far as they do not yet have the same legally recognised rights as adults. 2.…”

Mapuche Demands during Educational Reform, the Penguin Revolution and the Chilean Winter of Discontent

“…Although student protests had been organized under the Allende and Pinochet governments, following the return to democracy Chilean students became disassociated with political activism and labelled as disinterested (Chovanec and Benitez ; Wolf ). However, two changes to education‐related matters contributed directly to the first student mobilizations in 2001: price rises on public school transport passes ( Pase Escolar ) and the introduction of examination fees for university selection ( Prueba de Selección Universitaria , PSU).…”

“…The following month saw a number of independently organized school take‐overs as well as minor demonstrations organized by the newly formed Asamblea Coordinadora de Estudiantes Secundarios (ACES, Coordinated Group of Secondary Students) in response to Minister of Education Martin Zilic's failure to meet with the student movement or respond to their demands (ibid.). The central government was notably negligent in taking these demonstrations seriously, exemplified when President Bachelet refused to address educational reform or the student movements directly in her presidential speech on 21 May (Chovanec and Benitez ). Further antagonism was stirred by the national police force's heavy handling of these initial demonstrations.…”

“…Both movements represent growing concerns over the neoliberal socio‐economic model adopted by respective governments during and since the military regime ended in 1990. The coalition of centre‐left Concertación parties, which won four successive elections (1990–1994; 1994–2000; 2000–2006; 2006–2010), and the current centre‐right National Renewal party ( Renovación Nacional, 2010 to present) have, according to a number of authors, ‘lacked the political will to confront the human rights abuses of the past, to overcome growing economic inequality or to consolidate a vibrant democracy in Chile’ (Chovanec and Benitez :43).…”