The ontogeny of fairness in seven societies

Blake, Peter; McAuliffe, Katherine; Corbit, John D.; Callaghan, Tara C.; Barry, Oumar; Bowie, Aleah; Kleutsch, L.; Kramer, Karen L.; Ross, E. J.; Vongsachang, H.; Wrangham, Richard W.; Warneken, Felix

doi:10.1038/nature15703

Cited by 417 publications

(427 citation statements)

References 30 publications

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“…Importantly, a robustly observed feature of such pure cooperation is that, despite playing a key role in promoting the collective good, the extent to which people cooperate with strangers varies markedly across cultures (Blake et al, 2015; Cappelen, Moene, Sørensen, & Tungodden, 2013; Gächter, Herrmann, & Thöni, 2010; Henrich et al, 2005; Henrich et al, 2010; Sapienza, Zingales, & Guiso, 2006; Yamagishi, Hashimoto, & Schug, 2008). …”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

From good institutions to generous citizens: Top-down incentives to cooperate promote subsequent prosociality but not norm enforcement

2017

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What makes people willing to pay costs to help others, and to punish others’ selfishness? Why does the extent of such behaviors vary markedly across cultures? To shed light on these questions, we explore the role of formal institutions in shaping individuals’ prosociality and punishment. In Study 1 (N=707), American participants who reported living under higher quality cooperation-enforcing institutions (police and courts) gave significantly more in a Dictator Game (DG), but did not punish significantly more in a Third-Party Punishment Game (TPPG). In Study 1R (N=1,705), we replicated the positive relationship between reported institutional quality and DG giving observed in Study 1. In Study 2 (N=516), we experimentally manipulated institutional quality in a repeated Public Goods Game with a centralized punishment institution. Consistent with the correlational results of Study 1 and 1R, we found that centralized punishment led to significantly more prosociality in a subsequent DG compared to a no-punishment control, but had no significant direct effect on subsequent TPPG punishment (only an indirect effect via increased DG giving). Thus we present convergent evidence that the quality of institutions one is exposed to “spills over” to subsequent prosociality but not punishment. These findings support a theory of social heuristics, suggest boundary conditions on spillover effects of cooperation, and demonstrate the power of effective institutions for instilling habits of virtue and creating cultures of cooperation.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

From good institutions to generous citizens: Top-down incentives to cooperate promote subsequent prosociality but not norm enforcement

2017

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“…In a comparison across a diverse set of communities, House et al [92] found that, while children in all communities enter society with a similar prosocial tendency, they will, as they grow older, adjust their behaviour to the cross-culturally variable prosocial norms of their community. Reflecting this, in an intriguing study, Blake et al [93] probed reactions to disadvantageous inequity aversion (DI-the avoidance of receiving less than a peer) and advantageous inequity aversion (AI-the avoidance of receiving more than a peer) in children aged 4-9 years across seven distinct cultures (Canada, India, Mexico, Peru, Senegal, Uganda and the US). DI was present in all societies, with cultural variance in its age of emergence, appearing earliest in the US and Canada, latest in Mexico.…”

Section: Prosocialitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Why developmental psychology is incomplete without comparative and cross-cultural perspectives

Nielsen

Haun

2016

Phil. Trans. R. Soc. B

100

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One contribution of 16 to a theme issue 'Understanding self and other: from origins to disorders'. As a discipline, developmental psychology has a long history of relying on animal models and data collected among distinct cultural groups to enrich and inform theories of the ways social and cognitive processes unfold through the lifespan. However, approaches that draw together developmental, cross-cultural and comparative perspectives remain rare. The need for such an approach is reflected in the papers by Heyes (2015 Phil.

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“…The great majority of psychological research has been conducted in populations that are unrepresentative of human culture globally and historicallythose from Western, educated, industrialized, rich, and democratic (WEIRD) backgrounds (38,69). A growing literature within developmental psychology and the anthropology of childhood aims to correct the bias in studying WEIRD populations within the discipline (18,37,38,(70)(71)(72)(73)(74)(75)(76)(77)(78).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Cumulative cultural learning: Development and diversity

Legare

2017

Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U.S.A.

134

101

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The complexity and variability of human culture is unmatched by any other species. Humans live in culturally constructed niches filled with artifacts, skills, beliefs, and practices that have been inherited, accumulated, and modified over generations. A causal account of the complexity of human culture must explain its distinguishing characteristics: It is cumulative and highly variable within and across populations. I propose that the psychological adaptations supporting cumulative cultural transmission are universal but are sufficiently flexible to support the acquisition of highly variable behavioral repertoires. This paper describes variation in the transmission practices (teaching) and acquisition strategies (imitation) that support cumulative cultural learning in childhood. Examining flexibility and variation in caregiver socialization and children's learning extends our understanding of evolution in living systems by providing insight into the psychological foundations of cumulative cultural transmissionthe cornerstone of human cultural diversity.cumulative culture | cultural evolution | cross-cultural comparison | teaching | imitation

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The ontogeny of fairness in seven societies

Cited by 417 publications

References 30 publications

From good institutions to generous citizens: Top-down incentives to cooperate promote subsequent prosociality but not norm enforcement

From good institutions to generous citizens: Top-down incentives to cooperate promote subsequent prosociality but not norm enforcement

Why developmental psychology is incomplete without comparative and cross-cultural perspectives

Cumulative cultural learning: Development and diversity

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