The Nature of Pretonic Weak Vowels in Squliq Atayal

Huang, Hui-chuan J.

doi:10.1353/ol.2018.0012

Cited by 9 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 19 publications

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“…Even though Crosswhite's typological sample is small and not designed to be genetically or areally balanced, the Sonority Requirement Generalization that arises from it is robust. There is not much literature specifically on languages with more than one reduction process, but my search of papers that mentioned distinct vowel reduction processes (e.g., Zuraw 2003;Harris 2004;Sen 2012;Delucchi 2013;Kenstowicz & Sandalo 2016;Nadeu 2016;Huang 2018) and Mielke's (2008) P-base did not produce any counterexamples. 6 The latter is remarkable, since counterexamples to the Sonority Requirement Generalization are easy to construct.…”

Section: At Most One Sonority-reducing Process (Sonority Requirement mentioning

confidence: 97%

Moraic Domains between feet and syllables: An argument from vowel reduction typology

Nazarov

2019

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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In this paper, I propose a separate prosodic domain that regulates mora assignment in syllables: the Moraic Domain, a domain between the foot and the syllable in which only the head syllable may be moraic (see also van der Hulst & Moortgat 1980; LeSourd 1993; and Hermans & Torres-Tamarit 2014, among others, for other proposals of metrical domains between the foot and the syllable). I argue that this domain is necessary to account for the combination of two typological generalizations about vowel reduction. The first is the Ambiselectivity Generalization, according to which vowel reduction that decreases sonority (Crosswhite 1999; 2001; de Lacy 2002) may be restricted to foot-internal unstressed syllables, or to unfooted (minimal foot-external) syllables (see Martínez-Paricio 2013 for evidence). The second is the Sonority Requirement Generalization, which is derived from typological facts discovered by Crosswhite (1999; 2001); according to this generalization, a language may have at most one vowel reduction process that forces underlying low vowels to reduce to mid or high vowels. While accounts for each individual generalization may be derived from existing proposals without a Moraic Domain (Crosswhite 1999; 2001; Martínez-Paricio 2013), I show that no such account can derive both generalizations at once. In contrast, I argue that a Moraic Domain can account for both generalizations when embedded into Crosswhite's (1999; 2001) account. This is demonstrated with a case study of Dutch semi-informal vowel reduction (Kager 1989), which cannot be derived in Crosswhite's (1999; 2001) original approach without Moraic Domains.

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Section: At Most One Sonority-reducing Process (Sonority Requirement mentioning

confidence: 97%

Moraic Domains between feet and syllables: An argument from vowel reduction typology

Nazarov

2019

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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“…This distinction can be made at the historical level, when describing the diachronic origins of various vowel systems, but also at the synchronic level, when describing phonological models of speech production. Historically, it is clear that systems of vowel epenthesis and intrusion can arise in a wide variety of ways, including insertion (Tabain & Breen, 2011), reduction (Huang, 2018), and others (Blevins & Pawley, 2010). There is no single diachronic pathway to the phenomena under discussion.…”

Section: Intrusive Vowelsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Phonetics of Vowel Intrusion in Sgi Bara

Daniels¹,

Haupt²,

Baese‐Berk

2023

Preprint

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“…See also (i) from Chung (2012, p. 48). Another synchronic use of Atayal wal is as a past-perfective motion verb meaning 'went' (Huang 2008;Chen 2018). Japanese shimais an auxiliary (Kondo 2014) grammaticized from the homophonous verb meaning 'put away/finish' (Ono and Suzuki 2014, p. 204).…”

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confidence: 99%

Nobody’s Perfect

et al. 2022

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This paper challenges the cross-linguistic validity of the tense–aspect category ‘perfect’ by investigating 15 languages from eight different families (Atayal, Brazilian Portuguese, Dutch, English, German, Gitksan, Japanese, Javanese, Korean, Mandarin, Niuean, Québec French, St’át’imcets, Swahili, and Tibetan). The methodology involves using the storyboard ‘Miss Smith’s Bad Day’ to test for the availability of experiential, resultative, recent-past, and continuous readings, as well as lifetime effects, result-state cancellability, narrative progression, and compatibility with definite time adverbials. Results show that the target forms in these languages can be classified into four groups: (a) past perfectives; (b) experientials; (c) resultatives; and (d) hybrids (which allow both experiential and resultative readings). It is argued that the main division is between past perfectives, which contain a ‘pronominal’ tense, on the one hand, and the other three groups on the other, which involve existential quantification, either over times (experiential) or over events (resultative). The methodological and typological implications of the findings are discussed. The main conclusion of the study is that there is no universal category of ‘the perfect’, and that instead, researchers should focus on identifying shared semantic components of tense–aspect categories across languages.

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The Nature of Pretonic Weak Vowels in Squliq Atayal

Cited by 9 publications

References 19 publications

Moraic Domains between feet and syllables: An argument from vowel reduction typology

Moraic Domains between feet and syllables: An argument from vowel reduction typology

The Phonetics of Vowel Intrusion in Sgi Bara

Nobody’s Perfect

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