Abstract:While scholars and journalists have focused important attention on the recent militarization of intensive policing and imprisonment policies in the United States, there is little reciprocal recognition of how militarized versions of these policies were also exported for use in the occupation of Iraq. Intensive policing and imprisonment enabled the American-led and Shia-dominated Iraq Ministries of Defense and Interior along with U.S. forces to play significant roles in the ethnic cleansing and displacement of … Show more
“…A few foot soldiers were punished for the abuses at Abu Ghraib but not their superiors, and certainly not those whose orders encouraged the abuses." This summation is consistent with our own assessment, both in Iraq (Hagan and Hanson 2016) and beyond. But as Abel documents, there is more to this story, and it suggests that the interplay of social activism and international law can sometimes bring unexpected victories that are more consequential than commonly realized, and that should be of considerable interest to criminologists.…”
Section: From Chicago To Geneva and Backsupporting
confidence: 92%
“…And the war in Iraq remained a crime of aggression that was only passively acknowledged by American politicians or American criminologists. These massive crimes still beg for increased criminological attention (Hagan and Hanson 2016).…”
Section: International Criminal Law and Criminology In The Post-soviementioning
This paper considers the development of international criminal law and as a field of study in American criminology. Despite the important U.S. role in establishing the International Military Tribunal and war crimes trials at Nuremberg following World War II, American politicians and criminologists did little to advance the further development of international criminal law or courts. Postwar Cold War tensions between the Soviet Union and the U.S., and domestic research preoccupations of American criminologists, discouraged further contributions. Finally, following the collapse of the Soviet Union and the outbreak of atrocities and war crimes in the Balkans, the United States took renewed interest and helped to create an ad hoc International Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia [ICTY]. However, when the U.N. established a permanent International Criminal Court [ICC] to handle the prosecution of war crimes, American enthusiasm and support waned, and it ceased during the Trump Administration. Yet there were other signs international criminal law could still be significant. When the U.S. was revealed to be torturing detainees in Iraq, and a police detective was found to be operating a torture squad in Chicago, the U.N. High Commission on Human Rights [UNHCHR] used its procedures to pressure the U.S. and the city of Chicago to investigate. Later, the same procedures were used to pressure Chicago to support a reparations program for victims and families of police torture. International criminal law was more resilient and relevant than is commonly believed.
“…A few foot soldiers were punished for the abuses at Abu Ghraib but not their superiors, and certainly not those whose orders encouraged the abuses." This summation is consistent with our own assessment, both in Iraq (Hagan and Hanson 2016) and beyond. But as Abel documents, there is more to this story, and it suggests that the interplay of social activism and international law can sometimes bring unexpected victories that are more consequential than commonly realized, and that should be of considerable interest to criminologists.…”
Section: From Chicago To Geneva and Backsupporting
confidence: 92%
“…And the war in Iraq remained a crime of aggression that was only passively acknowledged by American politicians or American criminologists. These massive crimes still beg for increased criminological attention (Hagan and Hanson 2016).…”
Section: International Criminal Law and Criminology In The Post-soviementioning
This paper considers the development of international criminal law and as a field of study in American criminology. Despite the important U.S. role in establishing the International Military Tribunal and war crimes trials at Nuremberg following World War II, American politicians and criminologists did little to advance the further development of international criminal law or courts. Postwar Cold War tensions between the Soviet Union and the U.S., and domestic research preoccupations of American criminologists, discouraged further contributions. Finally, following the collapse of the Soviet Union and the outbreak of atrocities and war crimes in the Balkans, the United States took renewed interest and helped to create an ad hoc International Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia [ICTY]. However, when the U.N. established a permanent International Criminal Court [ICC] to handle the prosecution of war crimes, American enthusiasm and support waned, and it ceased during the Trump Administration. Yet there were other signs international criminal law could still be significant. When the U.S. was revealed to be torturing detainees in Iraq, and a police detective was found to be operating a torture squad in Chicago, the U.N. High Commission on Human Rights [UNHCHR] used its procedures to pressure the U.S. and the city of Chicago to investigate. Later, the same procedures were used to pressure Chicago to support a reparations program for victims and families of police torture. International criminal law was more resilient and relevant than is commonly believed.
“…Berbagai kendala lain yang dihadapi oleh negara bagian Amerika Serikat ialah perihal kapasitas penjara yang terlalu penuh oleh tahanan (over capacity) sehingga pengawasan maupun perawatan lembaga pemasyarakatan tidak dapat dikelola dengan baik (Hagan & Hanson, 2016).…”
Section: Situasi Lembaga Pemasyarakatan DI Amerika Serikat Sebelumunclassified
Amerika Serikat merupakan salah satu negara pencetus pengalihan pengelolaan lembaga Pemasyarakatan terhadap Perusahaan Privat. Hal tersebut dilatar belakangi oleh kesulitan untuk mengambil keputusan yang berdasarkan sistem rantai komando dan aliran sumber dana finansial yang berasal dari pajak himpunan masyarakat setempat. Oleh karena itu pihak Perusahaan Privat sebagai mitra swasta menjadi alternatif penyelesaian solusi karena setelah dipraktikkan memiliki tingkat keefektifan dan ketepatan di dalam mengatasi permasalahan yang terjadi baik secara internal maupun eksternal di Lembaga Pemasyarakatan. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menguraikan perbedaan sistem pengelolaan Lembaga Pemasyarakatan oleh Pemerintah dan Perusahaan Privat dengan menggunakan metode penelitian yuridis-normatif dan konseptual. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Perusahaan Privat dapat mengambil keputusan krusial lebih cepat dan tepat serta tidak mengalami keterbatasan dana yang dapat menghambat perbaikan serta operasi fasilitas di lembaga seperti listrik, air, dan perbaikan infastruktur untuk meningkatkan kualitas hidup, keamanan, dan kenyamanan.
“…And of course, these countries are not a random sample but strongly over‐represent Europe and North America while under‐representing countries of Africa, the Middle East, and Asia. Hagan (2021; Hagan & Greer, 2002; Hagan & Hanson, 2016) pointed out that a major consequence of this insular approach is that mainstream criminology has generally ignored a wide range of international lawbreaking, including war crimes, genocide, mass incarceration, and torture.…”
Section: Impact Of Illegal Political Extremism On Criminologymentioning
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