Abstract:Conventional narratives frame flash mobs as exemplary of the broader changes in politics, culture, and social relations brought on by new media technologies. Missing from these stories is an account of the mob itself. How do we make sense of the mob’s intensities, of the sublime power that emanates from the congregation of bodies together in space, and the ambiguities with which those intensities are received – without reducing these dimensions to the overdetermined power of a new medium? Using a broader theor… Show more
“…Can we categorize them based on their common properties? ), We found that the flash mob phenomenon, which was studied in various articles, was referred to as “flash mob” (Mitchell and Boyod 2012 ), “classic mob” (Bylieva 2018 ) (Molnár 2014 ), “virtuous mob” (Shapiro 2017 ), “political mob” (Walker 2011 ), “smart mob” (Tsou 2015 ), “criminal flash mob” (Steinblatt 2011 ), or other names. In many cases, they either meant the same thing or in many other cases they meant different things, i.e., the global diffusion of flash mobs has diluted their original meaning .…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Another research published in 2017 by Aaron Shapiro (Shapiro 2017 ), focuses on the power of the flash mob—itself—as a political tool and NOT on the role and effects of the communication technologies on the flash mobs . He argues that political flash mobs are not the result of the emergent of various new digital media technologies—as many pieces of research acclaim—but these political (sometimes violent) flash mobs (he calls them “ vicious” flash mobs) are reflections of the injustices and lack of needs in specific communities.…”
Section: Literature Reviewmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…He also adds that such flash mobs are needed in various societies to maintain common sentiments that can be viewed as an affirmation of social order or a threat to social order (when they become violent). In any case, the occurrences of such flash mobs (whether they are an affirmation or a threat to social order) are somehow related to the excessive social categorization that happens in societies (Shapiro 2017 ).…”
Since the year 2003, the term “flash mob” has been studied in various disciplines and was referred to by various media outlets to describe various events. The term "flash mob" originally meant to describe a phenomenon in which a group of people assembles in a public space, perform a seemingly random act, then quickly disperse. This phenomenon was expected to die just like other types of public performances, e.g., the eighties' raves. However, this phenomenon is still alive and became widespread in various forms. Since this phenomenon was new, mentioned in the media, and depended on technology, it is unwise to assume that everyone knows its exact meaning. Many traditionalist flash mobbers become concerned that the global diffusion of flash mobs has diluted their original meaning. So, in this summative, chronological, and by topic literature review article, we explore the disciplines in which this term was used; then investigate its various forms and propose the term “Mob” to be the root term so we can categorize its various forms (branches) and eliminate ambiguities; and prove that this phenomenon still exists. Finally, we try to shed light on what is missing from the literature and what needs to be studied in the future with regard to this topic.
“…Can we categorize them based on their common properties? ), We found that the flash mob phenomenon, which was studied in various articles, was referred to as “flash mob” (Mitchell and Boyod 2012 ), “classic mob” (Bylieva 2018 ) (Molnár 2014 ), “virtuous mob” (Shapiro 2017 ), “political mob” (Walker 2011 ), “smart mob” (Tsou 2015 ), “criminal flash mob” (Steinblatt 2011 ), or other names. In many cases, they either meant the same thing or in many other cases they meant different things, i.e., the global diffusion of flash mobs has diluted their original meaning .…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Another research published in 2017 by Aaron Shapiro (Shapiro 2017 ), focuses on the power of the flash mob—itself—as a political tool and NOT on the role and effects of the communication technologies on the flash mobs . He argues that political flash mobs are not the result of the emergent of various new digital media technologies—as many pieces of research acclaim—but these political (sometimes violent) flash mobs (he calls them “ vicious” flash mobs) are reflections of the injustices and lack of needs in specific communities.…”
Section: Literature Reviewmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…He also adds that such flash mobs are needed in various societies to maintain common sentiments that can be viewed as an affirmation of social order or a threat to social order (when they become violent). In any case, the occurrences of such flash mobs (whether they are an affirmation or a threat to social order) are somehow related to the excessive social categorization that happens in societies (Shapiro 2017 ).…”
Since the year 2003, the term “flash mob” has been studied in various disciplines and was referred to by various media outlets to describe various events. The term "flash mob" originally meant to describe a phenomenon in which a group of people assembles in a public space, perform a seemingly random act, then quickly disperse. This phenomenon was expected to die just like other types of public performances, e.g., the eighties' raves. However, this phenomenon is still alive and became widespread in various forms. Since this phenomenon was new, mentioned in the media, and depended on technology, it is unwise to assume that everyone knows its exact meaning. Many traditionalist flash mobbers become concerned that the global diffusion of flash mobs has diluted their original meaning. So, in this summative, chronological, and by topic literature review article, we explore the disciplines in which this term was used; then investigate its various forms and propose the term “Mob” to be the root term so we can categorize its various forms (branches) and eliminate ambiguities; and prove that this phenomenon still exists. Finally, we try to shed light on what is missing from the literature and what needs to be studied in the future with regard to this topic.
“…Although walkers might be individually oriented to place and path, walking participants share a temporal and spatial co‐presence as their bodies align with each other's pace and rhythm to create ‘a common form that becomes familiar to both’ (Vergunst, , p.386). David Crouch (, p.167) extends this idea to focus on how this collective, mobile formation possesses the power to transmit a powerful collective statement of reterritorialisation and shape the experience of onlookers: In their presence and in their movement, the bodies of self and of others, identified with similar purpose, feeling and direction, are dissolved into an intention and an identity that overwhelms any other image the street may hold; shops, houses, traffic, as these become culturally deafened by the ritual of occupationWalking along the creek transmitted the sensory and affective charge generated by large numbers of moving bodies, as a “mob” (Shapiro, ), resonances that we aimed to accentuate through projection. The walking event was somewhat akin to the practice of flash‐mobbing, which takes several forms.…”
Section: Walking the Creekmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In their presence and in their movement, the bodies of self and of others, identified with similar purpose, feeling and direction, are dissolved into an intention and an identity that overwhelms any other image the street may hold; shops, houses, traffic, as these become culturally deafened by the ritual of occupation Walking along the creek transmitted the sensory and affective charge generated by large numbers of moving bodies, as a "mob" (Shapiro, 2017), resonances that we aimed to accentuate through projection. The walking event was somewhat akin to the practice of flash-mobbing, which takes several forms.…”
In this paper, we explore how a light projection sought to convey a range of qualities: conviviality, a sense of place, playfulness, defamiliarisation, and the affective and sensory capacities that were experienced through walking in the distinctive, liminal realm of Bendigo Creek in Victoria, Australia. The projection aspired to solicit a sensory and affective empathy that chimed with the experiences of an earlier event in which dozens of pedestrians were filmed walking in the creek. The projection contributed to a local campaign to reappraise the much‐maligned creek as a local public amenity. We discuss the productive potential of solitary and collective walking and, subsequently, the attributes of the projection in its static and mobile manifestation. In so doing, we suggest that publicly engaged, inclusive, creative practice can offer potent place‐making possibilities.
This article discusses the potential sources and consequences of unfairness in artificial intelligence (AI) predictive tools used for anti-corruption efforts. Using the examples of three AI-based anti-corruption tools from Brazil—risk estimation of corrupt behaviour in public procurement, among public officials, and of female straw candidates in electoral contests—it illustrates how unfairness can emerge at the infrastructural, individual, and institutional levels. The article draws on interviews with law enforcement officials directly involved in the development of anti-corruption tools, as well as academic and grey literature, including official reports and dissertations on the tools used as examples. Potential sources of unfairness include problematic data, statistical learning issues, the personal values and beliefs of developers and users, and the governance and practices within the organisations in which these tools are created and deployed. The findings suggest that the tools analysed were trained using inputs from past anti-corruption procedures and practices and based on common sense assumptions about corruption, which are not necessarily free from unfair disproportionality and discrimination. In designing the ACTs, the developers did not reflect on the risks of unfairness, nor did they prioritise the use of specific technological solutions to identify and mitigate this type of problem. Although the tools analysed do not make automated decisions and only support human action, their algorithms are not open to external scrutiny.
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