The Meanings of Experience

Dear, Peter

doi:10.1017/chol9780521572446.005

Cited by 45 publications

(26 citation statements)

References 32 publications

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“…The seventeenth century would also witness the advent of skepticism towards experiments on animals on scientific grounds. Physicians like Jean Riolan, Jr. (1580–1657) and Edmund O’Meara (1614–1681) began to question the validity of physiological experiments carried out on animals in such an extremely altered state as one endured under vivisection, although their hidden agenda was to restore the credibility of Galenic medicine [ 3 , 46 , 47 ]. This dispute between critics and advocates of the informative value of animal models of human physiology still echoes today, e.g., [ 48 ].…”

Section: Seventeenth Century and The Dawn Of The Enlightenmentmentioning

confidence: 99%

Animal Experiments in Biomedical Research: A Historical Perspective

Franco

2013

Animals

158

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Simple SummaryThis article reviews the use of non-human animals in biomedical research from a historical viewpoint, providing an insight into the most relevant social and moral issues on this topic across time, as well as to how the current paradigm for ethically and publically acceptable use of animals in biomedicine has been achieved.AbstractThe use of non-human animals in biomedical research has given important contributions to the medical progress achieved in our day, but it has also been a cause of heated public, scientific and philosophical discussion for hundreds of years. This review, with a mainly European outlook, addresses the history of animal use in biomedical research, some of its main protagonists and antagonists, and its effect on society from Antiquity to the present day, while providing a historical context with which to understand how we have arrived at the current paradigm regarding the ethical treatment of animals in research.

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Section: Seventeenth Century and The Dawn Of The Enlightenmentmentioning

confidence: 99%

Animal Experiments in Biomedical Research: A Historical Perspective

Franco

2013

Animals

158

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“…Néanmoins, Harvey s'inscrit aussi dans une nouvelle conception des rapports entre expérience et science (Cook 1990(Cook , 2008 : marquée par l'étude des cas cliniques et l'observation, l'expérience prend un nouveau sens épistémologique (Dear 2008) Harvey s'inscrit dans ce renouveau qui vise à déterminer la spécificité de l'expérience médicale, désormais instruite par la pratique assidue de la dissection, voire de la vivisection. Si elles ne constituent pas -selon le récit qu'en fait Harvey -la source de sa découverte, les expérimentations et les mesures construisent un argument rhétorique, qui effectivement convainc ses contemporains.…”

Section: -La Découverte De Harvey Racontée Par Harveyunclassified

La circulation sanguine comme pierre de touche: Harvey, Riolan, Descartes

Carvallo¹

2016

Lato Sensu

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-IntroductionEn 1628, Harvey expose la découverte de la circulation sanguine en se référant explicitement à la philosophie de la nature aristotélicienne. En 1637, dans le Discours de la méthode, Descartes adhère à la découverte de Harvey, mais en conteste le principe explicatif : il substitue à l'explication harveyenne son propre principe d'un feu sans lumière, et, du coup, remplace le mouvement circulaire aristotélicien (Aristote 1966, en particulier 200b-208a) par un mouvement linéaire et mécanique de proche en proche. À la fois héritier et détracteur, Descartes veut débarrasser la circulation sanguine de la métaphysique aristotélicienne pour l'intégrer à la sienne. En 1649, Riolan conteste la thèse de Harvey, même s'il finit par reconnaître la petite circulation. Il rejette l'argumentation harveyenne au profit d'une métaphysique platonico-chrétienne.Ressaisir ces vingt années de controverses sur le sang permet de discerner, à l'occasion d'un objet historique et scientifique précis, les liens entre représentation, ontologie et métaphy-sique. Bien loin de se restreindre à la question factuelle de savoir si oui ou non le sang circule, ces discussions cristallisent un conflit qui se décline à trois niveaux entre Harvey, Descartes et Riolan. Elles mobilisent trois métaphysiques qui impliquent trois philosophies de la nature : l'aristotélisme, le mécanisme cartésien, le néoplatonisme renaissant. Ces trois philosophies attribuent des statuts différents au principe de vie et au cercle : la circulation comme mouvement circulaire au sens aristotélicien, le circuit comme trace du déplacement matériel des parties subtiles de proche en proche selon la loi des chocs, le cercle comme forme au sens platonicien.Or, la controverse se justifie par la difficulté de désimbriquer ces trois dimensions de la circulation sanguine. Comment expliquer cette dissension ? Bien loin de résulter d'une aberration, elle marque une irréductible pluralité des conceptions épistémologiques à l'oeuvre dans les sciences, pluralité préci-sément due à la complexité des thèses métaphysiques, ontologiques et anthropologiques mises en jeu dans l'explication du corps vivant. Cette lecture pluraliste de la controverse admet une conception holiste des théories scientifiques non seulement en ce qu'elles intègrent une multiplicité de thèses, prérequis et définitions, mais aussi en ce qu'elles articulent plusieurs niveaux de discours. Conformément à la thèse de Quine-Duhem, on ne peut isoler un élément de la théorie : lorsque Descartes ou Riolan contestent certains aspects de la théorie de Harvey (l'âme comme principe de vie, la systole comme proprio motu ou la primauté du sang), chacun pour des raisons différentes, en réalité, chacun lui substitue un autre ensemble théorique. Cette interprétation se démarque néanmoins de l'explication kuhnienne en termes de paraEn 1628, Harvey publie sa théorie de la circulation sanguine, qui déclenche les contestations de Riolan et Descartes à plusieurs niveaux : métaphysique, physiologique, anatomique et institutionnel. L...

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“…Moreover, experience is not an unproblematic form of knowledge, but is always pervaded by ideological assumptions and mediated through representational conventions and techniques. Therefore, the isolari should not be seen as mere products of travel, commerce and imperial rivalry with the Ottomans, but as significant cultural agents, which familiarized Venetian readers with the land and seascapes of the Levant. Their successful editorial circulation stimulated an economic interest in the islands of the Aegean, which were presented as ‘the most fruitful and delightful’, and naturalized their commercial exploitation.…”

mentioning

confidence: 97%

Talk, script and print: the making of island books in early modern Venice

Stouraiti

2013

Hist Res

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During the early modern period, island books (isolari) were among the major print genres by which the Venetian reading public learned about the Mediterranean and the New World. This article focuses on the intellectual, social and cultural processes through which these books constructed islands as objects of inquiry and created textual and visual knowledge about the Aegean archipelago and the Venetian overseas dominions. It shows how diverse communities of practitioners, networks of information and ways of knowing shaped the production of these cultural artefacts, and analyses the connections between images of insularity and notions of empire in Venetian metropolitan culture.Sebastian: I think he will carry this island home in his pocket and give it his son for an apple. Antonio: And sowing the kernels of it in the sea, bring forth more islands! Shakespeare, The Tempest In 1653, the Sicilian scholar Nicolò Serpetro published in Venice a curious encyclopaedia titled Il mercato delle maraviglie della natura, overo Istoria naturale. Although the book was only a translation of the Thaumatographia naturalis (Amsterdam, 1632) written by the Calvinist doctor and natural philosopher John Jonston, Serpetro presented the text in a significantly new form. Instead of classifying the wonders of nature in ten categories, as Jonston had done, he arranged them in an imaginary marketplace where 'the most precious and admirable' goods of the world were on sale. Using a mnemotechnical model, perhaps inspired by the Fondaco dei Tedeschi, the warehouse of German merchants in Venice, he divided his marketplace of marvels into porticos, loggias and shops in which numerous extraordinary phenomena were displayed. 1 The seventh of these loggias carried the name Dell'isole and contained two shops: the first was called Della nascita et morte dell'isole and the second was Delle maraviglie d'alcune isole. The presence of these two shops in a seventeenth-century compendium of natural marvels reflects the long-standing fascination of early modern Europeans with islands and their tales. Recent research has demonstrated the centrality of island narratives to European culture in the period 1400-1800 and their relationship to trade and * The author would like to thank this journal's reviewers for their useful comments and suggestions.

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The Meanings of Experience

Cited by 45 publications

References 32 publications

Animal Experiments in Biomedical Research: A Historical Perspective

Animal Experiments in Biomedical Research: A Historical Perspective

La circulation sanguine comme pierre de touche: Harvey, Riolan, Descartes

Talk, script and print: the making of island books in early modern Venice

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