The Mandarin VP

Sybesma, Rint

doi:10.1007/978-94-015-9163-8

Cited by 179 publications

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“…For instance, ES psych verbs typically select a clausal complement (14)- (15), and in some cases require one (16). The two verb classes also differ in their potential for occurring in the Mandarin "baconstruction" (Wang 1947;Chao 1968;Hashimoto 1971;Li 1974;Teng 1975;Li and Thompson 1981;Huang 1982;Wang 1987;Tiee 1990;Sybesma 1992Sybesma , 1999Liu 1997;Li 2006;Huang, Li and Li 2009, inter alia). Put broadly, whereas EO psych verbs are permitted in the ba-construction, ES psych verbs are not.…”

Section: Further Syntactic Differences Between Es and Eo Psych Verbs mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…25 As footnote 23 indicates, however, there is much more to be said. 26 For recent, thorough reviews of the ba contruction, see Li (2006) and Huang, Li and Li (2009). An example of (62i) is the analysis of Sybesma (1992Sybesma ( , 1999, according to which baconstructions are causatives with ba located within a Caus phrase. Thus the analysis of (63a) is (63b), where the object and the main verb (ku-shi-le) form a small clause (SC) and where ba occupies the head position of CausP: (63) The non-ba variant of this sentence (64a) receives the analysis in (64b).…”

Section: Ba-constructionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Psych verbs in English and Mandarin

Cheung

Larson

2014

Nat Lang Linguist Theory

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Psych verb constructions show peculiar properties. They appear to project the same θ-relations into inverse configurations (John fears sharks/Sharks frighten John). Furthermore, Experiencer Object psych verb constructions admit backward binding in apparent violation of familiar c-command conditions (Pictures of himself anger John). We offer a solution to both puzzles drawing crucially on data from English and Mandarin. We argue that apparent θ-role inversion is an illusion, and that Experiencer Subject psych verb constructions like John fears sharks are not in fact simple transitive constructions but instead involve a concealed clause with a silent predicate (John fears [CP sharks PRED]). Regarding backward binding, we argue for an updated version of Belletti and Rizzi's (1988) analysis of Experiencer Object psych verbs in which the putative Theme is a Source that is underlyingly c-commanded by the Experiencer.Keywords psych verbs · intensionality · concealed complement clauses · applicatives· English · Mandarin 1 Introduction: The problem of psych constructionsPsych constructions pose a number of challenges to syntactic theory. As shown in (1)- (2), Experiencer Subject (ES) and Experiencer Object (EO) psych verbs in English appear to assign the same θ-roles of Experiencer and Theme. 1 But the structural positions of the corresponding arguments are reversed or "flipped" in the two constructions (Lakoff 1970;Postal 1974). This apparent "θ-role inversion" challenges the Universal Alignment Hypothesis (UAH) of Perlmutter and Postal (1984) and the corresponding Uniformity of Theta Assignment Hypothesis (UTAH) of Baker (1988), which require identical thematic relationships to be realized in identical structural configurations. The exact identity of the non-experiencer θ-role in (1) and (2) is controversial; we label it here as THEME mainly for convience. The important point is that the same pair of roles appears to be involved in the two exemples; we return to a more careful discussion of this issue below. 2 In this study we concentrate on what Landau (2010) terms "Class I" psych verbs like fear and "Class II" psych verbs like frighten, largely putting aside discussion of his "Class III" psych verbs like appeal; the latter resemble the Class II type, but exhibit a dative preposition (to) on the experiencer (or, in other languages, dative case marking) as opposed to a simple accusative object (i): THEME EXPERIENCERThe idea appealed to Julie. (Landau 2010: 6) This is the Pre-Published Version.

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Section: Further Syntactic Differences Between Es and Eo Psych Verbs mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Ba-constructionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Psych verbs in English and Mandarin

Cheung

Larson

2014

Nat Lang Linguist Theory

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“…Furthermore, as convincingly argued for in Sybesma (1999), postverbal bare nominals, including frequentatives and durations, in Mandarin are all complements, not adjuncts. Thus, the unmarked postverbal NPs in (i-ii) must be non-oblique objects.…”

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confidence: 63%

Argument-function mismatches in Mandarin resultatives: A lexical mapping account

Her

2007

Lingua

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ABSTRACT. This paper seeks to account for the argument-function mismatches observed in Mandarin resultative compound verbs. The account is formulated within a revised Lexical Mapping Theory which incorporates a unified mapping principle. Under the simplest and also the strictest interpretation of this mapping principle (or the θ-criterion), a composite role, formed by two composing roles, receives syntactic assignment via one composing role only; the second composing role is thus suppressed. Argument-function mismatches are due to the competition between composing roles for syntactic assignment. This LMT account also facilitates a natural explanation of markedness among the competing syntactic structures.

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“…among others, Li & Thompson 1981, Tai 1984, Sybesma 1999, Lin 2004, Huang 2004, 2006, Soh & Gao 2006. For example, Lin (2004), among others, proposes that in Mandarin Chinese activities and states are primitives, whereas achievements and accomplishments are compositionally derived.…”

Section: Chinese Verb Classesmentioning

confidence: 99%