The League of Salvini

Passarelli, Gianluca; Tuorto, Dario

doi:10.4324/9781003226123-9

Cited by 5 publications

(7 citation statements)

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“…For instance, in Italy, the League stood out from the rest of the parties in parliament because of its strong concentration of representatives from the lower middle class and the world of crafts and entrepreneurship (Passarelli & Tuorto, 2012, p. 151). Moreover, the percentage of graduates in the League was lower than the average for parliament (Passarelli & Tuorto, 2018, p. 43). There has been a similar trend in Switzerland, where small‐business owners and representatives with a lower level of education are overrepresented among the SVP's MPs (Pilotti, 2017, p.…”

Section: Between Horizontal and Vertical Integrationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Right‐wing populism against diploma democracy. The evolution of parliamentary elites in Austria, Italy, and Switzerland

Mazzoleni

Pilotti

Anselmi

2023

Swiss Political Sci Review

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Are the sociological profiles of radical right‐wing populist parties' (RRPPs) representatives really unlike those of their counterparts in mainstream parties? Once RRPPs occupy positions of legislative power for an extended period, do their MPs' profiles increasingly converge with those of more mainstream parties? This paper examines three right‐wing parties in Austria, Italy, and Switzerland (FPÖ, LEGA, and SVP), and shows how RRPPs' MPs persistently contrast the “diploma democracy”, that is the increasingly dominant high‐educated trend in political representation. Inspired by the current scholarship's diachronic and comparative perspectives of political elites and MPs, the analysis focuses trends since the 1980s.

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Section: Between Horizontal and Vertical Integrationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Right‐wing populism against diploma democracy. The evolution of parliamentary elites in Austria, Italy, and Switzerland

Mazzoleni

Pilotti

Anselmi

2023

Swiss Political Sci Review

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“…The initial results were impressive, primarily in the central regions that used to be centre-left strongholds. 15 The highpoint came in the May 2019 elections to the European Parliament. Salvini's Lega emerged as the largest Italian political party with just over 34 percent of the electorate, compared to 17 percent for its coalition partners, the M5S, and just under 23 percent for the PD.…”

Section: Four Projectsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Italy's Hard Truths

Jones¹

2023

Journal of Democracy

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the desire to change the Italian constitution so that it can have a directly elected president like France. Given that Meloni is already close to the governments of Poland and Hungary, both widely accused of democratic backsliding, these other signs are less reassuring. Italy has a strong, democratically elected government, and yet that government's commitment to liberal values is unconvincing.Then again, Meloni's policy agenda does not seem as frightening as her rhetoric -and the occasional outbursts from her allies -might suggest. Her government responded to a rave-party incident that brought hundreds of partygoers from across Europe to an abandoned warehouse in Modena with a poorly drafted piece of legislation that seemed to threaten the right of assembly, but her newly appointed Minister of Justice quickly backpedalled and even admitted having made a mistake in reacting too quickly. Meloni's response to migration was more bluster than real as well, and when she challenged French President Macron, she quickly backed down in the face of his full-throated response while looking for ways to diffuse the controversy. Even Meloni's first budget proposal, assembled at record speed, was softer than her campaign rhetoric had suggested -so much so that the main centrist group outside her coalition signalled a willingness to work with her to improve it. On top of that, she managed to get most of the Italian parliament to join in supporting further assistance to Ukraine, including additional armaments. Despite their origins on the far right, Meloni and her government appear both reasonable and accommodating, and while it is still early days, they also appear likely to last longer in office than any of her recent predecessors. The new right wing government is popular, scary, and competent, all at the same time. This is just one of the ways that Italian democracy inspires cognitive dissonance. Past as prologueResolving the contradiction is not easy. Scratch the surface and previous governments are not obviously superior to the one Meloni currently leads -at least in terms of their democratic potential,

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“…42 No por casualidad, Salvini fue bautizado por el periódico francés Le Monde como «le cousin por tanto, Salvini quien incorpora a la Lega la retórica de la defensa de Occidente frente al Islam en clave de «choque de civilizaciones», sino que forma parte del bagaje ideológico-cultural que Bossi añade al partido a partir de los atentados del 11 de septiembre de 2001. 35 No obstante, la gran novedad del discurso de Salvini fue su apuesta por abandonar la centralidad de la cuestión territorial y con ella la desaparición de la que había sido la principal raison d'être del partido desde su fundación: la representación de la opinión favorable a la emancipación de la Padania ya fuese vía federalismo o secesionismo. No se trata de un cambio menor, sino de una mutación radical que desafía la propia identidad original del partido y que carece de antecedentes en la historia de los partidos regionalistas occidentales.…”

Section: El Liderazgo De Matteo Salvini Y La Renovación Del Discurso ...unclassified

“…47 Sin embargo, la Lega de Matteo Salvini ha merecido para algunos comentaristas la calificación de «extrema derecha» o «ultraderecha». 48 Todas estas definiciones de la Lega son del primer interés y apuntan a elementos que merecen atención propia. No obstante, este trabajo considera que la categorización de la Lega de Salvini como «extrema derecha» o «ultraderecha» resulta problemática.…”

Section: El Liderazgo De Matteo Salvini Y La Renovación Del Discurso ...unclassified

nueva Lega de Matteo Salvini (2013-2023). Continuidades y rupturas en el discurso político de un partido nacional-populista

Palacio Martín

2023

HDP

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El objetivo de este artículo es señalar las continuidades y rupturas que se han producido en el discurso político de la Lega desde que Matteo Salvini asumió el cargo de secretario federal del partido en 2013. La principal tesis que sostiene este trabajo es que la transformación de la identidad de la Lega promovida por Salvini, sobre todo la nacionalización del discurso del partido ensentido italiano, convive con grandes líneas de continuidad que permiten establecer una identidad clara entre el partido de Bossi y el de Salvini. En particular, este artículo tratará de mostrar que la superación del discurso original de la Lega centrado en la reivindicación territorial y la demanda de mayor autogobierno para la «Padania» no ha llevado al partido a abandonar su condición de partido populista.

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The League of Salvini

Cited by 5 publications

References 0 publications

Right‐wing populism against diploma democracy. The evolution of parliamentary elites in Austria, Italy, and Switzerland

Right‐wing populism against diploma democracy. The evolution of parliamentary elites in Austria, Italy, and Switzerland

Italy's Hard Truths

nueva Lega de Matteo Salvini (2013-2023). Continuidades y rupturas en el discurso político de un partido nacional-populista

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