The Influence of Morphological Regularities on the Dynamics of a Connectionist Network

Rueckl, Jay G.; Raveh, Michal

doi:10.1006/brln.1999.2106

Cited by 81 publications

(93 citation statements)

References 11 publications

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“…Until these kinds of methodological questions are resolved, it remains difficult to use neuroimaging data to adjudicate between competing accounts of the functional and neural correlates of morphological complexity including distributed connectionist accounts in which decomposition arises from overlapping representations of morphologically related forms and where no specific neural mechanisms is required to handle this process (e.g. Davis, van Casteren, & Marslen-Wilson, 2003;Plaut & Gonnerman, 2000;Rueckl & Raveh, 1999).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Neural responses to morphological, syntactic, and semantic properties of single words: An fMRI study☆

2004

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Dissociations in the recognition of specific classes of words have been documented in brain-injured populations. These include deficits in the recognition and production of morphologically complex words as well as impairments specific to particular syntactic classes such as verbs. However, functional imaging evidence for distinctions among the neural systems underlying these dissociations has been inconclusive. We explored the neural systems involved in processing different word classes in a functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging study, contrasting four groups of words co-varying morphological complexity (simple, monomorphemic words vs complex derived or inflected words) and syntactic class (verbs vs nouns/adjectives). Subtraction of word from letter string processing showed activation in left frontal and temporal lobe regions consistent with prior studies of visual word processing. No differences were observed for morphologically complex and simple words, despite adequate power to detect stimulus specific effects. A region of posterior left middle temporal gyrus showed significantly increased activation for verbs. Post hoc analyses showed that this elevated activation could also be related to semantic properties of the stimulus items (verbs have stronger action associations than nouns, and action association is correlated with activation). Results suggest that semantic as well as syntactic factors should be considered when assessing the neural systems involved in single word comprehension.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Neural responses to morphological, syntactic, and semantic properties of single words: An fMRI study☆

2004

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“…A third possible account can be suggested in keeping with connectionist distributed models of morphology which posit that morphological priming effects emerge as a result of a synergistic interaction between form and meaning (Plaut & Gonnerman, 2000;Rueckl et al, 1997;Rueckl & Raveh, 1999). Two aspects of the etymon as an organizing unit seem problematic for this account.…”

Section: Non-concatenative Morphological Processing In a Wider Contextmentioning

confidence: 99%

Morphological units in the Arabic mental lexicon

2001

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Standard views of morphology in Modern Standard Arabic hold that surface word forms comprise at least two morphemes: a three-consonantal root conveying semantic meaning and a word pattern carrying syntactic information. An alternative account claims that semantic information is carried by a bi-consonantal morphological unit called the etymon. Accordingly, in the form [batara] the core meaning is carried not by the tri-consonantal root morpheme {btr} but by the etymon morpheme {b,t} which surfaces in other forms like [batta] ªseverº, [batala] ªcut offº with the same meaning ªcuttingº. Previous experimental research in Semitic languages has assumed the tri-consonantal root/word pattern approach. In cross-modal and masked priming experiments we ask whether the etymon, as a more ®ne-grained two-consonantal morphological unit, can yield the morphological priming effects typically obtained with tri-consonantal root morphemes. The results clearly show that two words sharing an etymon do facilitate each other both in cross-modal and masked priming even though they do not share a root, controlling for semantic and for form overlap effects. The bearing of these results on theories of morphological processing and representation is discussed. q

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“…Irrespective of how morphological decomposition is conceptualized, there has been relative agreement that morphologically complex words share representations with their stems only in cases in which there is a semantic relationship between them (MarslenWilson et al, 1994; see also Davis et al, 2003;Giraudo & Grainger, 2000;Plaut & Gonnerman, 2000;Rueckl & Raveh, 1999;Rueckl et al, 1997). For example, all these theories of morphological processing would take the view that representations of darkness and dark overlap to a much greater degree than the representations of witness and wit (which are etymologically related, but are no longer semantically related) or corner and corn (which are not semantically or, despite appearances, etymologically related).…”

Section: Morphological Analysis In the Absence Of Semantics?mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…''Classical'' theories (e.g., Giraudo & Grainger, 2000;Marslen-Wilson, Tyler, Waksler, & Older, 1994) postulate a level at which morphemic units are represented explicitly and at which morphologically complex words are segmented into their constituents. Distributedconnectionist theories (e.g., Davis, van Casteren, & Marslen-Wilson, 2003;Plaut & Gonnerman, 2000;Rueckl & Raveh, 1999;Rueckl, Mikolinsky, Raveh, Miner, & Mars, 1997), by contrast, do not postulate an explicit level of morphological representation, but instead develop highly similar representations for morphologically complex words and their stems in the hidden units mediating orthographic and semantic representations (see Rastle et al, 2000, for a discussion). Morphological structure emerges in these distributed-connectionist models as a consequence of the consistency that morphologically complex words bring to the mapping between orthography and meaning.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

ERP Evidence of Morphological Analysis from Orthography: A Masked Priming Study

Lavric

Clapp

Rastle

2007

Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience

132

128

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There is broad consensus that the visual word recognition system is sensitive to morphological structure (e.g., “hunter” = “hunt” + “er”). Moreover, it has been assumed that the analysis of morphologically complex words (e.g., “hunter”) occurs only if the meaning of the complex form can be derived from the meanings of its constituents (e.g., “hunt” and “er”). However, recent behavioral work using masked priming has suggested that morphological analysis can occur at an early, orthographic level, with little influence from semantics. The present investigation examined the neurophysiological correlates of masked priming in conditions of a genuine morphological relationship (e.g., “hunter”-“HUNT”), an apparent morphological relationship (“corner”-“CORN”), and no morphological relationship (“brothel”-“BROTH”). Neural priming was indexed by the reduction of the N400 ERP component associated with targets preceded by related primes, as compared to targets preceded by unrelated primes. The mere appearance of morphological structure (“corner”-“CORN”) resulted in robust behavioral and neural priming, whose magnitude was similar to that observed in pairs with genuine morphological relationship and greater than that in the nonmorphological pairs. The results support a purely structural morphemic segmentation procedure operating in the early stages of visual word perception.

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The Influence of Morphological Regularities on the Dynamics of a Connectionist Network

Cited by 81 publications

References 11 publications

Neural responses to morphological, syntactic, and semantic properties of single words: An fMRI study☆

Neural responses to morphological, syntactic, and semantic properties of single words: An fMRI study☆

Morphological units in the Arabic mental lexicon

ERP Evidence of Morphological Analysis from Orthography: A Masked Priming Study

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