2013
DOI: 10.1080/03057070.2013.858538
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The ‘Hardcore’ Student Activist: The Zimbabwe National Students Union (ZINASU), State Violence, and Frustrated Masculinity, 2000–2008

Abstract: Journal of Southern African StudiesPublication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information:

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Cited by 16 publications
(7 citation statements)
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“…But the MDC and its civil society allies deployed their own polarizing rhetoric, reinforced us/them boundaries, and, especially within the grassroots structures, rejected any movement toward moderation or compromise. As time passed, the MDC created its own parallel structures that did not shy away from using violence and coercion to enforce party aims (LeBas 2006), and a culture of aggressive “hardcore activism” took root in some of the MDC’s affiliated structures (Hodgkinson 2013).…”
Section: Opposition Emergence and Pernicious Polarization 2000–2013mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…But the MDC and its civil society allies deployed their own polarizing rhetoric, reinforced us/them boundaries, and, especially within the grassroots structures, rejected any movement toward moderation or compromise. As time passed, the MDC created its own parallel structures that did not shy away from using violence and coercion to enforce party aims (LeBas 2006), and a culture of aggressive “hardcore activism” took root in some of the MDC’s affiliated structures (Hodgkinson 2013).…”
Section: Opposition Emergence and Pernicious Polarization 2000–2013mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…What this brief background suggests is that Chamisa, and other activists who now hold influential top and middle-level positions in the MDC party, started as student activists (Hodgkinson, 2013). This has significantly changed the MDC's outlook from being a labor-activism-inspired party to being student-activist-inspired.…”
Section: Early Years Of Chamisamentioning
confidence: 99%
“…This literature has diverse empirical foci in examining the MDC party, including its successive electoral failures, its involvement in consociation-type politics during the Inclusive Government (IG) era (2009–2013) and its internal democratic deficits. Similarly, there is some emerging and significant research on post-2017 politics in Zimbabwe (Beardsworth et al, 2019; Hodgkinson, 2013; Lewanika, 2019; Tendi, 2020a). However, this corpus of literature does not focus on Nelson Chamisa’s MDC during and post the November 2017 transition.…”
Section: Party Leadershipmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The idea was to consolidate political hegemony by imposing control over the largely volatile and restless university students (Mbiba, 2015). 1 This is so because university students, especially those from the Zimbabwe National Student Union (ZINASU), and academics have been some of the most vocal and consistent critics of Mugabe's rule and government (Hodgkinson, 2013;Mlambo, 2013;Zeilig, 2006Zeilig, , 2008Muzulu, 2016). 2 Indeed, for Mlambo (2013: 183), students became the government's staunchest critics in the 1990s, as economic crisis, public corruption and misgovernment peaked.…”
Section: Mugabe University Controlmentioning
confidence: 99%