Abstract:In biomedical and public health discourses, “chronicity” has emerged as the prevailing model to understanding drug addiction and addictive experience. This approach is predicated on constructing and responding to addictive experience in ways that underscore its presumed lifelong nature. In this essay, I examine the phenomenon of heroin addiction and heroin overdose in northern New Mexico's Española Valley, which suffers the highest rate of heroin‐induced death in the United States, and explore how the logic of… Show more
“…In closing, I wish to broaden the scope of my critique with a call for increased awareness among researchers and practitioners of the broader social context in which addiction and recovery are produced and experienced. Anthropologists who study addiction call attention to the complex social and historical conditions that shape substance use (26)(27)(28). In contrast, clinical interventions for substance abuse, including money management, target individuals.…”
Using an anthropological approach toward understanding the issues surrounding money management for individuals struggling with addiction and mental illness has the potential to strengthen the design and implementation of money-management-based interventions in a manner that is acceptable and meaningful for this target population.
“…In closing, I wish to broaden the scope of my critique with a call for increased awareness among researchers and practitioners of the broader social context in which addiction and recovery are produced and experienced. Anthropologists who study addiction call attention to the complex social and historical conditions that shape substance use (26)(27)(28). In contrast, clinical interventions for substance abuse, including money management, target individuals.…”
Using an anthropological approach toward understanding the issues surrounding money management for individuals struggling with addiction and mental illness has the potential to strengthen the design and implementation of money-management-based interventions in a manner that is acceptable and meaningful for this target population.
“…Well-being in Samoa is focused on 'living well' more than on 'bodily vigilance' (Smith-Morris, 2006, p. 6;cf. Agee, McIntosh, Culbertson, & Makasiale, 2013;Capstick, Norris, Sopoaga, & Tobata, 2009;Carlisle & Hanlon, 2007, 2008, including placing social priorities over individual health. Health practitioners grapple with these differences by asking: 'How can you reduce sugar intake when tea is made in one pot for the household?'…”
Research in Samoa and the diaspora has documented the nutrition transition and related rising metabolic disorders. Research suggests cultural influences, including large body size preference, sedentarism, and dietary patterns, as well as political and economic influences, including changed labor patterns and food dependence, contribute to rising metabolic disorders. This article documents how Samoan health practitioners understand barriers to lifestyle change as primarily cultural rather than structural. They highlight differences between health, framed as individually oriented, and well-being, framed as socially oriented. Drawing from participant observation and semi-structured interviews, this article shows how health practitioners engage in 'everyday translation' by aiming to change the meaning of food, body, and wealth. Attention to everyday translation provides insights into the ambivalent ways interviewees identify culture as a barrier to health care. They avoid blaming patients, which has the paradoxical effect of suspending blame on individuals for not changing health behavior until cultural change occurs. This requires local leadership to effect community-wide change. When culture is recognized as the primary barrier to lifestyle change, health practitioners inadvertently reproduce structural inequalities in their daily interactions with patients. This has the effect of obscuring structural influences and promoting the idea that metabolic disorders are under individual control.
“…We might say that Affliction points towards an answer, one in which each of our responding psychiatrists recognize themselves, namely, treatmentseeking among the urban poor as taking place in a certain kind of urban ecology, composed of multiple points of entry and exit or persistence, where quasi-events can turn into critical events, and within which psychiatrists are one among other stopping points. The particular circuits that compose these fragile ecosystems of life and labor, health and illness may differ quite strongly, for instance, as compared to the circuits that stitch together the 'culture of chronicity' that anthropologists such as Tanya Luhrmann (2007) and Angela Garcia (2008), among others describe, the 'institutional circuit' of mental illness in 'developed country' contexts, between homelessness, supported housing, hospital, jail, and in some cases addiction rehab.…”
In what ways do two bodies of knowledge meet? Anthropology and psychiatry most often meet in a mood of mutual suspicion, the danger of which is that each confronts (or avoids) the other as a straw man. In this introduction I describe a refreshingly different encounter in which a group of psychiatrists from the All India Institute of Medical Sciences in Delhi respond to an anthropological text, Veena Das's Affliction: Health, Disease, Poverty, which engages with lives and issues quite similar to those encountered by these psychiatrists in their clinical practice. Rather than rehearsing relatively predictable debates (for instance on the importance, or lack thereof, of 'culture', often assumed to be the sole meeting ground between anthropology and psychiatry), what is instead surprising in the psychiatrists' engagement with Affliction is their recognition of a shared terrain of uncertainty and complexity that moves across the realms of the spiritual, the 'vernacular' uses of biomedical terms, and the political economy of health. I outline three domains of inquiry that this interdisciplinary discussion opens up as regards the study of mental health and illness: 1) ecologies, circuits, and tempos rather than institutions and subjectivity; 2) not-yet ontologies and etiologies; and 3) methodological consequences, beyond quantitative/qualitative divides and towards patterns, singularities, and modes of attunement.
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