The Electoral Politics of Growth Regimes

Hall, Peter A.

doi:10.1017/s1537592719001038

Cited by 38 publications

(29 citation statements)

References 66 publications

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“…In addition to the social cleavage framework's profound influence on research on party systems, its core object of inquiry (e.g. Hooghe and Marks, 2018;Aydogan, 2020;Selçuk and Hekimci, 2020), it also informs contemporary research on topics ranging from social polarization along the lines of political parties (Iyengar et al, 2019) to right-wing populist parties electoral success in some regions but not others (De Jonge, 2020), European integration (Börzel and Risse, 2020), and policies aimed at promoting economic growth in developed democracies (Hall, 2020). 37.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

On-Side fighting in civil war: The logic of mortal alignment in Syria

Schulhofer-Wohl

2020

Rationality and Society

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On-side fighting – outright violence between armed groups aligned on the same side of a civil war’s master cleavage – represents a devastating breakdown in cooperation. Its humanitarian consequences are also grave. But it has been under-recognized empirically and therefore under-theorized by scholars to date. This article remedies the omission. Existing research can be extrapolated to produce candidate explanations, but these overlook spatial and temporal variation in on-side fighting within a war. I provide a theory that accounts for this ebb and flow. On-side fighting hinges on belligerents’ trade-offs between short-term survival and long-term political objectives. Enemy threats to survival underpin on-side cooperation; in their absence, belligerents can pursue political gains against on-side competitors. I evaluate this threat-absence theory using evidence from the ongoing Syrian Civil War’s first years. Fine-grained fatalities data capture fluctuating enemy threats to on-side groups’ survival and situate on-side fighting and its absence. Findings support threat-absence theory and contribute to research on warfighting and political competition in civil wars and to the study of coalition dynamics in other settings, including elections and legislatures.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

On-Side fighting in civil war: The logic of mortal alignment in Syria

Schulhofer-Wohl

2020

Rationality and Society

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“…This challenges standard understandings of electoral change based on assessments of parties' responses to changing voter preferences or shifts in electoral cleavages (Beramendi et al 2015;Hall 2018). These approaches see political parties as broadly representative and responsive organizations which may at times find themselves slow to react to changes in electoral preferences or structural changes in the economy which undermine established patterns of electoral mobilization.…”

Section: Populist Parties and The Rejection Of Market Liberalismmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Global Economics of European Populism: Growth Regimes and Party System Change in Europe (TheGovernment and Opposition/Leonard Schapiro Lecture 2017)

Hopkin¹,

Blyth²

2018

Gov. & oppos.

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The expanding literature on growth regimes has recently been applied to explain the growth of populist movements across the OECD. Such applications posit a stand-off between debtors and creditors as the core conflict that generates populism. While insightful, the theory has problems explaining why, in some European countries, such movements pre-date both the global financial crisis and the austerity measures that followed, factors that are commonly seen as causing the rise of populism. This article takes a different tack. It derives shifts in both political parties and party systems from the growth regime framework. In doing so it seeks to explain the evolution of the cartel form of party that dominated the political systems of Europe from the late 1990s through to the current period and why that form proved unable to respond meaningfully to both the financial crisis and the political crisis that followed it.

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“…However, all these contributions tend to overlook important substantive developments in welfare politics, which underlie a transformation, rather than a fading out of class divide over the welfare state. In particular, SI policies have become a very influential social policy paradigm across Western Europe since the 2000s (Esping-Andersen et al 2002;Hemerijck 2013;Morel et al 2012;Hall 2020). This emergence of SI politics, we contend, has re-politicised class divides in the area of social policy (Beramendi et al 2015): in the twenty-first century, working-and middleclass voters differ in the kind of welfare provision they prioritise, more so than in the overall level of welfare state support.…”

Section: Theorymentioning

confidence: 99%

Class and social policy in the knowledge economy

Häusermann

Pinggera

Ares

et al. 2021

European J Political Res

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Recent studies of welfare state attitudes in the knowledge economy find very high generalized support for generous welfare state policies, both among the working and the middle classes. Has class become irrelevant as a predictor of social policy preferences? Or do we simply mis-conceptualise today's class conflict over social policy?To what extent has it changed from a divide over the level of social policy generosity to a divide over the kind of social policy and -more specifically -over the relative importance that should be given to different social policies? Answering these questions is not only relevant to understand welfare politics in the twenty-first century, but electoral politics as well: only when we understand what working-and middle-class voters care about, can we evaluate the role distributive policies play in electoral processes. We use original survey data from eight West European countries to show that middle-and working-class respondents indeed differ in the relative importance they attribute to social investment and social consumption policies. Middle-class respondents consistently attribute higher absolute and relative importance to social investment. We also show that this emphasis on investive policies relates to the middle class expecting better future economic and social opportunities than the working class. This divide in anticipated opportunities underlies a new kind of working-versus middle-class divide, which contributes to transforming the class divide from a conflict over the level of social policy to a conflict over the priorities of social policy.

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The Electoral Politics of Growth Regimes

Cited by 38 publications

References 66 publications

On-Side fighting in civil war: The logic of mortal alignment in Syria

On-Side fighting in civil war: The logic of mortal alignment in Syria

The Global Economics of European Populism: Growth Regimes and Party System Change in Europe (TheGovernment and Opposition/Leonard Schapiro Lecture 2017)

Class and social policy in the knowledge economy

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