The Eighth Encuentro

Beckman, Ericka

doi:10.1080/10714839.2001.11724594

Cited by 2 publications

(1 citation statement)

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“…Today, the double-militancy strategy has less to do with feminists' participation in political parties and more to do with their participation in state agencies such as SERNAM or in NGOs that work closely with SERNAM. 15 Thus, the main debates today are between autónomas (autonomous feminists) and institucionales (institutional feminists) (Beckman, 2001;Godoy & Guerrero, 2001). These debates continue to be intense, although it is clear that at least for now, the institucionales have greater prominence, and, in the context of successive center-left governments since the return of democracy, these "femocrats" can count on fairly reliable support from those in power.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Explaining Social Movement Outcomes

Franceschet

2004

Comparative Political Studies

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This article compares the outcomes of first- and second-wave feminism in Chile. The author argues that the double-militancy strategy of second-wave feminists emerged out of shifts in the political opportunity structure that led the movement to adapt its collective action frame. First-wave feminists had constructed a gender frame that depicted women as apolitical. In a context in which political parties were class based and saw little need to address women’s issues, neither the gender frame nor the political opportunity structure invited a double-militancy strategy. The context for second-wave activists was different. The politicization of women’s maternal identities altered the meaning of the maternal gender frame. Because the prodemocracy parties needed the support of women’s movements (and female voters), they invited women’s participation. Thus, the political opportunity structure and a more politicized gender frame encouraged a double-militancy strategy, ultimately leading to the realization of some of the movement’s goals.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%