Explaining Social Movement Outcomes

Abstract

This article compares the outcomes of first- and second-wave feminism in Chile. The author argues that the double-militancy strategy of second-wave feminists emerged out of shifts in the political opportunity structure that led the movement to adapt its collective action frame. First-wave feminists had constructed a gender frame that depicted women as apolitical. In a context in which political parties were class based and saw little need to address women’s issues, neither the gender frame nor the political opportunity structure invited a double-militancy strategy. The context for second-wave activists was different. The politicization of women’s maternal identities altered the meaning of the maternal gender frame. Because the prodemocracy parties needed the support of women’s movements (and female voters), they invited women’s participation. Thus, the political opportunity structure and a more politicized gender frame encouraged a double-militancy strategy, ultimately leading to the realization of some of the movement’s goals.

Frame Extension, Trade Union Identities, and Wage Politics: Evidence from Sweden

“…The diverse membership base of LO's most powerful unions, the formation of new wage coordination structures, and institutional obstacles derived from recent political changes mean that the issue of how to achieve gender-based wage parity remains contentious. This underlines the significance of explaining collective action by looking at the interaction between structural/organizational factors and cultural/framing processes (Diani 1996;Franceschet 2004).…”

La despenalización del aborto en tres causales en Chile: legado conservador y agencia de las mujeres de centro-izquierda

“…Aunque la lista era amplia no incluyó el aborto, ni siquiera la restitución del aborto terapéutico (Ríos Tobar y Godoy, 2003). Este tema no era de consenso en la Concertación, y en particular, generaba tensiones con los políticos de la DC (Baldez, 2002;Franceschet, 2004;Haas, 2010;Htun, 2003). A esto se agregaba el rol que había cumplido la Iglesia Católica en la protección de militantes de izquierda durante la dictadura lo que la convirtió en una autoridad moral durante los primeros años de la transición y postransición.…”

Social movements as complex adaptive systems: The antecedents and consequences of movement participation in the age of social media

“…This conceptual framework is shown in Figure 1 below. Our Collective identity, group identity, identity Chan, 2017a;Chan, 2017b;Cowell-Meyers, 2014;Crowley, 2008;Fominaya, 2016;Fuist, 2014;Huq, 2020;Hyde, 2018;Lomicky & Hogg, 2010;Marquez, 2001;Stockemer, 2012;Surowiec, 2018;Taylor, 2000;Terriquez, 2015 Crowley, 2008;Franceschet, 2004;Hasso, 2001;Huang, 2017;McVeigh et al, 2003;Pickard & Bessant, 2018;Stockemer, 2012;Surowiec, 2018 framework illustrates a dynamic equilibrium where social identity, political efficacy, and structural embeddedness are the antecedents of social movement participation. Social media use moderates the relationship between each of the antecedents and social movement participation.…”