The dynamic of neighborhood change and decline

Grigsby, William G.; Baratz, Morton S.; Galster, George; Maclennan, Duncan

doi:10.1016/0305-9006(87)90011-0

Cited by 166 publications

(177 citation statements)

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“…Many of the aspects in Figure 1 are interrelated (Golton, 1997;Grigsby et al, 1987;Prak and Priemus, 1986). The interrelation can be demonstrated by looking at the actual environmental challenge of energy efficiency.…”

Section: A Conceptual Model Of Obsolescencementioning

confidence: 99%

Understanding obsolescence: a conceptual model for buildings

Thomsen

Flier

2011

Building Research & Information

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What is obsolescence? Numerous older buildings have been demolished due to being labelled as obsolete. There is a general understanding that buildings, similar to machinery and durable consumer goods, should be demolished and replaced when they become obsolete. The truth of this assertion is examined and found problematic, as obsolescence is not clearly understood in conceptual or practical terms. Obsolescence presents a serious threat to built property as it rarely accounts for the immobile, long lasting and (financial and natural resource) capitalintensive characteristics of property, nor its societal and cultural significance. Minimizing obsolescence and extending longevity are therefore indispensable for maintaining the physical, economical and societal investments. The characteristics and symptoms of obsolescence are explored specifically to address how can buildings be diagnosed and when and to what extent is demolition an unavoidable consequence. A theoretical/conceptual model is developed which allows for different kinds of obsolescence to be characterised and distinguished. The model distinguishes between physical and behavioural factors and between endogenous and exogenous factors. It also accounts for the often inverse relation between the increase of complexity of types of obsolescence and the decrease of the owner's possibilities to manage it. Through the provision of an interrelational approach, the model explains why obsolescence occurs and it can be used as a basis for structuring an evidence-base on obsolescence.

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Section: A Conceptual Model Of Obsolescencementioning

confidence: 99%

Understanding obsolescence: a conceptual model for buildings

Thomsen

Flier

2011

Building Research & Information

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“…The aim was thus to broaden the operational model that is grounded in microeconomics towards including certain (only vaguely specified) behavioural and cultural factors that affect locationspecific moving and investment decisions. In doing so, we not only managed to capture something that in housing-market modelling is referred to as localised disequilibria (for example, Grigsby et al, 1987), that is to say, preference formation in relation to certain objective features of the location, but also more diversified patterns of behaviour that may lead to suboptimal market outcomes. Such an openly formulated, and behaviourally and culturally expanded model is by definition related to the tastes, preferences, and aspirations of housing consumers.…”

Section: The Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Sign Value, Topophilia, and the Locational Component in Property Prices

Kauko¹

2004

Environ Plan A

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Human beings have persistently searched for the ideal environment. How it looks varies from one culture to another but in essence it seems to draw on two antipodal images: the garden of innocence and the cosmos. The fruits of the earth provide security as also does the harmony of the stars which offers, in addition, grandeur. So we move from one to the other: from the shade under the baobab to the magic circle under heaven; from home to public square, from suburb to city; from a seaside holiday to the enjoyment of the sophisticated arts. Seeking for a point of equilibrium that is not of this world. '' Tuan (1974) 1 Analysing residential location and land value: some background Over the last few decades a certain fragmentation of economy and society has taken place on a global scale (for example, Lash and Urry, 1994). On the other hand, the meaning of the term`place' has become a key element in many of the phenomena affected by such fragmentation. One notable observation with substantial social and economical significance is that the marketplace for landed property has become more complex, involving more actors and informal networks. This also brings inevitable implications for housing-market analysis. To cite Landis et al ( 2002),``even as the economy and capital markets have gone global, housing markets have gone local.'' The stronger the connection between the economy and housing markets, the stronger the competition between locations and the larger the differences in attractiveness between winner and loser locations. Probably all of us have heard the proverbial`location, location, location' when discussing the determinants of urban property markets (for example, Orford, 1999, page 1). However inflated the phrase may be, it is not just a business slogan.

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“…Often, it is this population who abandoned these large housing estates for more attractive housing developments (Pareja-Eastaway et al 2003). This process is both a cause and a consequence of the arrival of new households with fewer resources (mainly foreign immigrants employed in the lowest paid jobs) who occupied these complexes because of the relatively lower prices of these homes, honouring classic patterns of invasion/succession (Grigsby et al 1987).…”

Section: Social Polarisation and Ethnic Diversitymentioning

confidence: 99%

The Diversity of Trajectories of Large Housing Estates in Madrid, Spain

Uceda

Ortín

Leal

2018

Housing Estates in Europe

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Public and private housing developments between 1940 and 1990 shaped the City of Madrid by differentiating urban area types according to social composition, location and development type. Spanish housing policies over these decades fostered public housing stock that, unlike in European cities, ended up being transformed into owned rather than rented homes; closely linking certain disadvantaged groups to the most vulnerable areas of the city. In this chapter, current processes of physical and social vulnerability are analysed using data from the 2001 and 2011 Population and Housing Censuses using a multivariate analysis. Our analysis differentiates between two stages of social housing estates in Madrid (under Francoism and in the democratic period) and private housing developments. These analyses show significant differences both in the trajectories of each of the types analysed in relation to contemporary vulnerability processes, as well as in the composition of the population that resides in them. Lastly, we examine challenges and proposals for the future of these urban areas, considering their social composition and the urban policies that seek to rebalance Madrid's neighbourhoods and paying attention to the insertion of the immigrant population into the most vulnerable neighbourhoods of the city.

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The dynamic of neighborhood change and decline

Cited by 166 publications

References 0 publications

Understanding obsolescence: a conceptual model for buildings

Understanding obsolescence: a conceptual model for buildings

Sign Value, Topophilia, and the Locational Component in Property Prices

The Diversity of Trajectories of Large Housing Estates in Madrid, Spain

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