The Dutch Parliamentary Behaviour Dataset

Louwerse, Tom; Otjes, Simon; Vonno, Cynthia van

doi:10.1057/s41269-017-0042-4

Cited by 18 publications

(13 citation statements)

References 33 publications

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“…These countries and periods are as follows: Austria (2006)(2007)(2008)(2008)(2009)(2010)(2011)(2012)(2013), Australia (2010-2013, 2013-2016), Belgium (2007-2010, 2010), Canada (2008, Denmark (2007), Germany (2009-2013, 2013), Hungary (2006-2010, 2010), Ireland (2007-2016), Israel (2006-2013), Italy (2006-2008, 2008-2013, The Netherlands (2006( -2010( , 2010( -2012( ), Norway (2009( -2013( , 2013, Spain (2011-2015), Sweden (2006-2010, 2010), United Kingdom (2005-2010, 2010. Data for the Netherlands come from the Dutch Parliamentary Behavior Dataset (Louwerse et al, 2017), and data on the United Kingdom from the Public Whip, http://www.publicwhip.org.uk/. 4.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Candidacy Eligibility Criteria and Party Unity

Rehmert

2020

Comparative Political Studies

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Extant research suggests that candidate selection methods can be consequential for party unity in legislative voting. Yet thus far, only variations in the selectorate and the degree of centralization have been examined. This article argues that Candidacy Eligibility Criteria (CEC), too, have implications for party unity. I theorize that with stricter formal requirements, parties avoid adverse selection and ensure the nomination of committed candidates. By using roll-call vote data from 16 industrial democracies, candidate surveys and an original data set consisting of nearly 500 historical party constitutions, I show that parties demanding prior membership and nudging aspirants to maintain networks within the party tend to be more unified in parliamentary voting. Moreover, their candidates, too, express greater loyalty when compared with parties without formal CEC. Thus, this article contributes to the literatures on party unity and on candidate selection by showing how certain party rules, hitherto neglected, affect party unity.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Candidacy Eligibility Criteria and Party Unity

Rehmert

2020

Comparative Political Studies

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“…In fact, strict party discipline in the Dutch parliament leaves little if any room to use formal legislative behavior as a dependent variable in statistical models (Andeweg and Thomassen, 2011). From a practical point of view, combining roll-call analyses with survey evidence might prove impossible because roll calls are increasingly and exceedingly rare (Louwerse et al ., 2018) – most legislative voting is conducted by a show of hands and only party-level results are recorded in the minutes – and elite surveys are conducted under anonymity which further impedes linking preferences and formal behavior for individual MPs.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Ideological congruence and socio-economic inequality

Schakel

Hakhverdian

2018

Eur. Pol. Sci. Rev.

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This study examines whether or not political representation in the Netherlands is biased toward the rich and higher educated by comparing the political orientations of members of parliament to those of the electorate. The analyses reveal stark differences in the representation of different socio-economic groups. The political views of elected national representatives are far more similar to those of rich, higher educated citizens than to those with less income and education. Moreover, a longitudinal analysis reveals that inequalities in political representation have actually grown in recent years. We also show that the use of measures of ideological self-identification might to lead to highly misleading results regarding the nature of political representation as opposed to the use of issue items. We conclude that, despite a highly proportional electoral system, the views which are represented in the Dutch lower house of parliament contain major distortions of the views of the broader electorate.

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“…We have collected the motions, written questions and amendments by using purpose written scripts on the digital archives of the Dutch parliament (Louwerse et al, 2018). We have also collected parliamentary votes automatically with purpose-written scripts that examine the parliamentary minutes to identify when a vote is held.…”

Section: Dependent Variablesmentioning

confidence: 99%

How Populists Wage Opposition: Parliamentary Opposition Behaviour and Populism in Netherlands

Louwerse

Otjes

2018

Political Studies

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This article analyses how populist parties wage opposition in parliament. We conceptualise opposition behaviour in terms of two independent dimensions: scrutiny (monitoring and criticising government actions) and policy-making (participating in or directly influencing legislative production). In line with the conceptualisation of populism as an opposition to the ruling elite in name of 'the people', our hypothesis is that populist opposition parties are more likely to use scrutiny and less likely to use policy-making tools than non-populist opposition parties. We study the Netherlands between 1998 and 2017 as a typical example of a consensus democracy, where populist parties have a greater opportunity to win representation and use parliamentary tools (compared to majoritarian democracies). Our findings indicate that populist opposition parties are particularly less likely to engage in policy-making behaviour and somewhat more likely to engage in scrutiny behaviour.

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The Dutch Parliamentary Behaviour Dataset

Cited by 18 publications

References 33 publications

Candidacy Eligibility Criteria and Party Unity

Candidacy Eligibility Criteria and Party Unity

Ideological congruence and socio-economic inequality

How Populists Wage Opposition: Parliamentary Opposition Behaviour and Populism in Netherlands

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